Tonia Lechtman’s Life Embodied the Struggle for Human Dignity

Tonia Lechtman was a Polish Jewish communist who was deprived of her freedom by five different dictatorships. Her resilience in the face of oppression was built on a determination to build a world fit for human beings.

From the cover of An Ordinary Life? The Journeys of Tonia Lechtman, 1918–1996 by Anna Muller. (Ohio University Press, 2023)

Tonia Lechtman, a Polish Jewish woman living in the early twentieth century, could be any one of us. A member of a minority who continuously seeks space in mainstream society. A single mother overwhelmed with the shrinking possibilities of keeping her children safe. A migrant who left her home country hoping that her next destination would bring more options. A woman who became a refugee in a country she had chosen for her home, which now considered her an enemy. A woman who insisted on a right to a home. She was an ordinary woman who lived in extraordinary times.

My work on An Ordinary Life? The Journeys of Tonia Lechtman, 1918–1996 coincided with me beginning to teach jailed men in the United States, as well as working with formerly incarcerated men and women. I had just finished a book on the life of political prisoners in Stalinist prisons in Poland in the years following World War II; I thus moved from thinking and writing about the darkness and violence of the Stalinist government that sentenced Polish patriots to ten years’ confinement, to interacting with men in the United States who carried thirty- or forty-year sentences (or even life sentences without any possibility of parole) for drugs or gang violence.

Such crimes often emerged from the circumstances in which many of these men of color were destined to live; some among them were also wrongfully convicted. What I have learned from a select group of incarcerated or formerly incarcerated people was the power of self-reinvention and hope, and a deep sense of responsibility: for their families, for the students I brought to learn with them, and for their various real and imagined communities. I also learned that humanity is best discernible through vulnerability and a conscious decision to share life with others. This is where Tonia’s story fits in.

Tonia Lechtman experienced different forms of confinement six times at the hands of five different dictatorships. She was imprisoned either because of her identities (a Jew, a communist, a single mother) or because of her insistence that ideas and actions can change the world. She was both similar to and different than the incarcerated men I met. The reasons for their imprisonments as well as the choices they made in life could not be more different, but the drive to navigate difficult circumstances, the urge to reinvent hope, and the reasons to ask for (even demand) a right to full participation in the world were similar. At times, while facilitating conversations inside prison, I wondered what Tonia would say to these men who sought ways to redeem themselves, who attempted to understand their crimes and societal roles, and who embraced interdependence. The responsibility for each other and the critical value that we should attach to the recognition of individual dignity speak to us louder in moments of suffering. Tonia understood this well.

Growing Commitment

Tonia Lechtman (née Bialer) was born in 1918 into a Jewish family of well-off industrialists in Łódź, Poland. Early in her life, at the threshold of her childhood and teenage years, she embraced communism as a form of engagement with the world. Communist ideas matched her youthful idealism and sensitivity to social justice, while also grounding her by providing her with multiple social circles. Her commitment to communism strengthened in Palestine, where her parents moved in 1935 in the hope of escaping growing antisemitism in Eastern Europe.

It was in Palestine where she engaged seriously with communist networks: she wrote communist slogans on walls, distributed flyers, and did propaganda work among Zionists promoting the view that the main enemy of the Jews was not Arabs but the British Empire. Doing this work she met and fell in love with a man — Sioma Lechtman — also committed to communism, and also experienced her first interrogation and imprisonment. Her first imprisonment was a menacing but also formative experience: she remembers it as a time of female solidarity, preparing and sharing food with Arab women prisoners, joining in back talk to the guards, and caring for people who had less. It was a moment of no return. The prison offered a lesson in persistence, community building, and strengthening commitment, despite the fear.

Tonia Lechtman’s commitment to communism strengthened in Palestine, where her parents moved in 1935 in the hope of escaping growing antisemitism in Eastern Europe.

As pro-communist political prisoners, both Tonia and Sioma were expelled from Palestine. With only transit visas, they traveled to Paris — the epicenter of world democracy, the place where the promise of equality was pushing forward hope. It was in Paris where the couple wanted to build a new life for themselves and a better world. That audacity was perhaps arrogant, but it was driven by a need to lessen helplessness. If fascism was on the rise and the world was crumbling in front of their eyes, then joining movements that tried to stop these developments was the only logical conclusion. One of the couple’s most intense desires was to leave for Spain, to fight fascism there. But Tonia’s pregnancy forced her to reconsider her involvement. While in December 1937 Sioma traveled to Spain, Tonia remained in France, supported by multiple people who offered help — people who fed her, helped her find a temporary home, and, in July 1938, took her to a hospital when her time came to have her baby. These supporters kept her hope in communism alive while feeding her understanding of it as a responsibility for one another.

Life was already overwhelming for a single mother with no French-language skills, stable job, or family support. Her situation deteriorated when, at the beginning of World War II, almost overnight, Tonia turned from a migrant into a refugee who needed to run for her life. First, she ran toward the border with Spain, where she hoped to reconnect with Sioma, who was confined in Gurs, a camp for former members of the International Brigades that had fought in Spain. She visited him briefly a few times, one visit resulting in her second pregnancy. Her second child was born in March 1940, a few months before France fell to the Nazis. The Nazi-collaborationist and increasingly antisemitic Vichy regime assigned people like Tonia — both Jewish citizens and foreigners — an inferior position. People like her belonged to “camps of concentration,” as French officials often called them.

After trying to place her children for some time in a shelter for Jewish children in Limoges, she ran again, this time to Switzerland. She and her children spent the rest of the war there, first in various camps for refugees, then under the protection of a woman who ran a shelter for the displaced. The atmosphere of isolation and suspicion did not leave her for the rest of the war. A sense of exile accompanied her daily. To use the words in which Hannah Arendt described the refugee condition, Tonia had lost her “language, the naturalness of reactions, the simplicity of gestures, the unaffected expression of feelings.”

Promised Land

In the early postwar months, Tonia learned about the death of her husband, who was killed in Auschwitz in January 1945. She had planned to change the world with him and for people like him — displaced and persecuted minorities. Now that he was gone, the only thing that made sense was to return to the place where he died, to Poland. That return was supposed to end her rootlessness. Poland in 1946 promised a new and better future. This war-ravaged country was rising from the rubble while claiming its victory over fascism. It needed and also offered hope. Though it was largely a Soviet creation, the communist rule that had firmly established itself by 1948 appeared as an answer to all her dreams. Sioma was not there to witness it. But it was in Poland where she believed she could raise her children while following their shared dream.

She returned to work on reinstituting, with American financial help, a trauma hospital in Upper Silesia, and then moved to a job in public administration in Warsaw. Yet, as historian Marci Shore writes, “the promised land of Communism was also the hell of Stalinism.” Once again, Tonia’s dreams were shattered. The same communist state that she fought so hard to serve crushed her. In 1949 she was imprisoned as an enemy of the state (faced with orchestrated suspicion of conspiring against the Polish state) and kept under interrogation for five years. Before the war she was imprisoned for being a communist, during the war she was interned for being a Jew, and after the war she was confined because the Stalinist government considered her suspicious and untrustworthy. This third and last incarceration was no longer a lesson in strength and persistence, and not even a training in solitude. If anything, it was a school of how to mentally survive by believing herself and in herself, despite being imprisoned by people she had considered comrades, perhaps even friends.

The same communist state that Lechtman fought so hard to serve crushed her.

After several years, she left prison still believing that communism — or an ethical sense of responsibility for each other, one that can nullify racial and national inequalities — was worth fighting for. She left prison both physically and mentally spent; a few years after leaving, she had a gallbladder attack, similar to one she experienced in jail. To deal with the pain, she ran on a square the size of her former cell, similar to what she did while incarcerated during her first painful attack. Although she left prison, the prison never left her. What ultimately broke her came a few years later: illnesses that affected her grandchildren with which Polish doctors in the context of the late 1960s could not deal. Poland looked increasingly like a caricature of a dream she wanted to dream. Withdrawing even further into herself, in 1971 she left Poland for Israel. She died there in 1996, surrounded by a family bewildered by the role that communism had occupied in her life.

Living the World Through Others

When I was writing and then editing this book on Tonia, the world was seemingly falling apart again. It began with COVID-19 and continued through the Black Lives Matter protests, the consequences of the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine: more pain, more death, more refugees, but also more signs that the struggle for dignity never dies. The country where Tonia was born and one that I call my home — Poland — closed its borders to Syrian refugees while opening them to Ukrainian refugees just a few years later.

“The pandemic is a portal,” said philosopher Arundhati Roy in 2020 while watching growing suffering and hoping for it to become an opening to a new and better future, as if pain could become a conduit of change. The rupture of COVID — or perhaps the multiple ruptures that followed it — was supposed to make us rethink the kind of normalcy we wanted to return to, but it seems as if our prejudices and hatred have walked through the portal with us. Now, almost everywhere we look, the world looks grimmer. “There is something wrong with the world,” said Polish writer and activist Olga Tokarczuk upon receiving the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2020 as she called on us to narrate the world not through oneself but through others — exactly the way Tonia wanted to live her life.

In summer 2022, I traveled to the frontier between Switzerland and France near Geneva to try to find the spot where Tonia crossed the border. On the French side, to my surprise, I ran into a historical marker with a quote from Rosa Luxemburg: “La liberte c’est toujours la liberte de l’autre” (Our freedom is always the freedom of others). Tonia survived her lonely life in France, Nazi roundups, an illegal and dangerous crossing to Switzerland, and separation from her children in Switzerland thanks to numerous and often anonymous gestures of help. Various people supported her when all else was failing. A family of German socialists offered her a home in the last months of her pregnancy. A French policeman warned her about an imminent roundup. A soldier protected her from being caught by the Nazis when she embarked with two small children on a journey into the unknown. A guard on the French-Swiss border fed her and her children. Are people that good and ready to help, or did she simply decide to remember what was good in her life, rather than reflect on the losses?

While in times of crises almost boundless suffering and pain arise, some good also emerges. Amidst overwhelming misery and suffering, help often goes unnoticed. Early on during her life in Paris, Tonia found herself in a circle of women — a new generation of social activists who worked with young women living in various shelters and who believed that by creating the right conditions one can help those who appear to be lost. Hannah Eisfelder Grünwald, for example, thought about her social work as a mission aimed at restoring an individual’s sense of worth and not just offering passive help. Margaret Locher fought hard for Tonia and her children while trying to move them from a refugee camp to her home. Lily Volker, in beautiful Ascona surrounded by Swiss lakes and mountains, decided to turn her family business — a hotel — into a place for refugee children, which at the time meant Jewish children. Love and respect were supposed to help them to move past war traumas. No monuments are devoted to these women; they are hardly ever mentioned or remembered as harbingers of good in dark times. In Ascona, by accident I came upon the grave of Volker, which has the inscription “Lily Volker. Ciao and Grazie” and a globe with silhouettes of children. Help to one is help to us all.

Tenderness, Against Alienation

Tonia built her world from a place of vulnerability — as a minority, woman, migrant, single mother, and refugee. She recognized this vulnerability and welcomed any assistance she could receive, but she also lived to assist. She chose life with others and through others. Was communism a necessary or the even only ethical and moral framework for her? Probably not. At the time of her youth, socialism and communism were only some of the responses to Jewish exclusion from the mainstream. Communism was Tonia’s choice in response to being pushed to the margins and a growing fear of fascism. As a means of dealing with fear and alienation, it was also her response to solitude, a means of feeling grounded in the world and embracing fears with newfound courage and tenderness. As an ideology, communism is distrusted in the part of the world Tonia and I come from, and stories of committed communists make many people uneasy. A story of Tonia’s trust in communism can make others question her reasoning.

Tokarczuk calls for tenderness as an antidote to alienation in the world: it “is a way of looking that shows the world as being alive, living, interconnected, cooperating with, and codependent on itself.” Tenderness should guide us through our attempts to understand people unlike us, those who make different choices, those who follow an idea that is incomprehensible to us, and those who fail and attempt to stand up again. Placing people and their choices in their contexts is a big part of that process.

Communism was Tonia’s choice in response to being pushed to the margins and a growing fear of fascism.

Tonia saw happiness not only as an emotion or psychic state but rather as a way of acting in the world. That acting also meant accepting her dependence on others, which feminist Lynne Segal sees as embracing our humanity. Accepting the fragilities of life means being fully human. Sharing her vulnerability and committing to protect others who were also vulnerable, Tonia made an ethical and political decision — a responsibility for others because it is the quickest way to changing the world. She remained fearless in believing that only with others and through others, in small and big gestures of tenderness, in consciously deciding that the personal is political, she could remain faithful to herself, her late husband’s ideals, and all the people who died — or did not have a chance to fully live — because their own state, society, and the world failed them. Her story — a story of someone so ordinary — teaches us to give and receive and to participate in sharing small gestures of tenderness, which can be life-sustaining. It takes courage to give and receive these gestures on a path to rebuilding oneself.

Asset Managers Like BlackRock Are Controlling More and More of Our Lives

Giant asset managers like BlackRock and Vanguard are increasingly but imperceptibly becoming owners of more and more aspects of our lives, from housing to roads to energy infrastructure.

Asset management companies play an increasingly important role in controlling the infrastructure within which our daily lives are embedded. (saulgranda / Getty Images)

Apartment complexes, water pipes, schools, and toll roads; fossil fuels and clean energy infrastructure. Across the world, these resources are moving into the hands of nearly invisible entities: asset managers, such as BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street. Over the past few decades, these often-forgotten administrators of retirement accounts have branched out from investing in financial assets like stocks and bonds to owning some of the most basic infrastructure of our daily lives.

In Our Lives in Their Portfolios: Why Asset Managers Own the World, political economist and economic geographer Brett Christophers traces the history of asset management from its beginnings to its dominant present and exposes the industry’s current grip not just on financial markets but on the building blocks of life. By spotlighting the invisible owners of our homes and our roads, our water pipes and our schools, Christophers reveals the consequences of asset managers’ profit-seeking control over our fundamental resources.

Cal Turner and Sara Van Horn spoke with Christophers for Jacobin about how asset managers came to occupy such a powerful position in the global market, what their growing hold over essential resources means for our collective futures, and who really profits from high-investment returns.

Cal Turner

What exactly is asset management? What is an “asset manager society”?

Brett Christophers

Asset managers are companies that carry out investment on behalf of others. Principally, they carry out that investment on behalf of institutional investors, like pension schemes and insurance companies. But they also carry out investment on behalf of so-called retail investors, which are the likes of you and me. Asset management is a broad industry of which things like private equity, hedge funds, and index funds are component parts.

“Asset manager society” is a term I use to signal a transformation that has occurred over the past thirty years. The origins of the modern asset management industry are in the 1960s and ’70s, principally in the United States. When asset managers began to invest on behalf of pension funds, they invested exclusively in financial assets: stocks and bonds, including bonds issued by governments and municipalities.

At one level, who owns shares in Microsoft or government debt does matter to society at large, but it matters in quite a distant way. To you and me, it makes no difference at all to our daily lives whether that investment is carried out by our pension fund trustee directly or indirectly via an asset manager. What asset managers did was far removed from everyday life for a long period of time.

But in the 1980s, asset managers began to diversify their holdings into what are typically referred to as “real assets.” Instead of just investing in financial assets, they began to buy physical things, rather than just share certificates or digital numbers on the screen. In particular, they began to buy commercial property: offices, hotels, shopping centers. In the 1990s, they began to diversify into new types of real assets. Asset management companies began to buy housing, particularly apartment blocks, and they began to buy infrastructure — including essential infrastructure in energy, transportation, and water supply.

An asset manager society is a society in which asset managers play an increasingly important role in controlling the infrastructure within which our daily lives are embedded.

These asset managers began to play a very significant role shaping the conditions and the costs of people’s everyday lives, because they were now buying, owning, controlling, and earning money from the physical things on which we all rely — whether that’s housing, the electricity grids that supply our power, the municipal systems of pipes that supply water to homes, or the parking systems where we park our cars. An asset manager society is a society in which asset managers, which are often faceless financial institutions that most people don’t know about, play an increasingly important role in controlling the infrastructure within which our daily lives are embedded.

Sara Van Horn

How does asset management impact housing, both as a market force and for those who need it?

Brett Christophers

Asset managers regard housing as an asset: something that will deliver a recurring income, which is the rent that the tenant will pay, and that will also deliver a capital gain when it comes to selling that asset at a later point. Given that those are their underlying motivations, what are they looking for when they invest in housing? What they’re looking for is the capacity to increase the rents that they are able to extract from that property.

That’s the case for two reasons. One is that more rent means more income to be pocketed, but much more important than that is that higher rent makes the asset more valuable to prospective buyers at a later point in time. The key thing to remember about asset managers is that they are largely not in the business of buying and holding assets into perpetuity. They are in the business of buying and selling assets. When they buy assets, their primary consideration becomes how best to manage that asset in such a way that it becomes more valuable to the market. Increasing rents is obviously the primary way for them to do that in terms of housing.

Over the last decade or so, the most common strategy that asset managers have pursued in buying rental housing is buying in areas where there are very tight rental markets, where there are essentially not enough rental properties to meet demand. There’s an obvious reason for that: in such rental markets, there tends to be upward pressure on rents. Just as important, if not more important, they look to buy in places where they think there is only a limited prospect of substantially more rental housing being built, because that would represent a clear and present threat to their business model.

The reason I emphasize this is that what they do runs almost diametrically counter to what they say their interests are in housing markets. When they talk to politicians, when the media asks them, “What are you going to do about the housing crisis, about the fact there are shortages of supply and the fact that renters can’t afford their rents?”, what these asset managers typically say is, “We’re part of the solution; we want to add to new supply.” It’s really not true — that is absolutely not what they’re interested in. And if you listen to other conversations that they have, when they talk to investors on earnings calls, they say the complete opposite: “We’re investing in places where there are supply shortages, because that gives us the pricing power that we like in those markets.” They say two completely different things to two different constituencies. And what they say to investors is much more truthful.

There’s also an inherent short-termism in this behavior, because the asset manager knows that he or she has to sell these assets pretty soon after buying them. That inherent short-termism is really inappropriate and destructive when it comes to assets like housing, water supply networks, and electricity transmission grids. Asset managers are inappropriate custodians of these types of assets. They’re about as inappropriate as you can imagine.

Cal Turner

You write that energy — especially renewable energy — is the largest sector for asset managers investing in infrastructure, and that asset managers also have stakes in other climate infrastructure, such as transportation. What does this mean for our energy future and our climate more broadly?

Brett Christophers

What most people have looked at when they think about climate and asset managers is the dirty side of the equation. They look at the fact that asset managers remain substantially invested in fossil fuel companies and many of the other corporations that continue to be responsible for large amounts of emissions.

One of the main reasons for that is that the biggest fund managers, like BlackRock, Vanguard, Fidelity, and State Street, are predominantly passive managers: their biggest funds track particular market indices. If you have a fund that’s tracking the S&P and that index includes Exxon Mobil and Chevron or, in the European context, BP, Shell, and Total, then you are required by the nature of your fund to remain invested in those assets. The big asset managers, by virtue of the nature of their model, remain major owners of fossil fuel companies and other huge emitters. A lot of the attention that both scholars and activists have focused on the climate finance question is focused on asset managers as owners of dirty assets.

Asset managers’ inherent short-termism is really inappropriate and destructive when it comes to assets like housing, water supply networks, and electricity transmission grids.

In my work, I tend to focus on the other side of the question, which is asset managers as owners of clean assets — the assets that are being constructed to try to get humanity out of the crisis. The biggest area of interest is clean energy assets. If you look at the ownership of the infrastructure of clean energy generation, and, in particular, if you look at it relative to the infrastructure of dirty energy generation, you find that clean energy infrastructure is far more concentrated in private hands than in publicly owned infrastructure. Something like 50 percent of fossil fuel assets are owned by the state, either directly or indirectly through state-owned companies. The number is nowhere near that with clean energy infrastructure, which is something like 90 percent private.

As we move through the energy transition, we appear to be moving toward a more privatized system of infrastructure ownership, simply by virtue of the fact that clean energy infrastructure historically has been generally invested in by private companies. To be more specific, increasingly, the biggest investors in clean energy infrastructure are asset managers.

For example, Brookfield Asset Management, which is a Canadian company, and one of the main companies I talk about in the book, is one of the world’s largest owners of renewable energy infrastructures. BlackRock is increasingly becoming a major owner of these infrastructures. When the executives at companies like BlackRock talk to policy makers about climate questions, they talk to them not just about the dirty side of the equation, but about the clean energy side of the equation.

Asset managers were some of the biggest lobbyists and interested parties behind the Inflation Reduction Act last year, which was about providing incentives for further private investment in US clean energy infrastructure. The ten-year extension of subsidies that have been put in place by the Inflation Reduction Act is one that asset managers actively lobbied for, and they have subsequently spoken about how enthused they are by those incentives. To the extent that the climate crisis is an infrastructure crisis, it’s about asset managers, because asset managers are increasingly becoming the biggest investors and owners of infrastructures of all types, including climate infrastructure.

To the extent that the climate crisis is an infrastructure crisis, it’s about asset managers, because asset managers are increasingly becoming the biggest investors and owners of infrastructures of all types.

Sara Van Horn

You describe how ownership by asset managers is usually invisible, even as it directly affects very concrete aspects of our daily lives. You call this a “very physical if also strangely intangible” type of ownership. Can you talk about the effects of this invisibility?

Brett Christophers

Asset managers increasingly own very important forms of infrastructure that really affect our lives — yet most people are not aware that asset managers own those infrastructures. They probably wouldn’t recognize the names of most of these companies.

If Brookfield Asset Management is the ultimate owner of the apartment block in which you live, you almost certainly wouldn’t know that. Typically, there’ll be a local holding company, an intermediary, that is actually registered as the apartment owner. The name Brookfield wouldn’t be visible. Even if it was registered as the owner, it wouldn’t be Brookfield that you interacted with as a tenant in terms of who carries out the maintenance and deals with you if you’re late with rental payments.

A lot of the day-to-day drudge work of managing these various types of housing and infrastructure assets is not carried out by the asset manager, or even by a company that the asset manager owns: that work gets contracted out. Macquarie Infrastructure and Real Assets, which is, alongside Brookfield, the world’s biggest asset manager in terms of infrastructure ownership, estimates that around one hundred million people rely every day on infrastructures that it owns around the world. Yet I’d wager that at most a couple of thousand people out of those one hundred million know that they’re using infrastructures that Macquarie is the ultimate owner of.

What are the consequences of that invisibility? The main one is that they become very distant from potential critique. For people struggling with bad living conditions and rapidly increasing rents, or burst water pipes and increased water rates, it’s very difficult to take issue with the asset management companies, who are the ultimate owners of these assets, if people don’t know that they are indeed the owners. It becomes a very depoliticizing structural configuration. A lot of activists have been dealing with these questions to try to render visible what was previously invisible.

Cal Turner

Despite the general invisibility of asset managers, some have recently come under fire for their holdings in industries like fossil fuels. When asset managers are challenged over the impacts of their investments, how do they justify their choices?

Brett Christophers

One of the arguments that asset managers often make about what they do is that, at the end of the day, it’s in your interest as an ordinary citizen for our funds to perform well. If our funds perform well, then your retirement savings will increase, so if you’re going to criticize us, it’s you who will be hurt.

That’s a discourse that lots of people get persuaded by. But it’s also a misleading discourse, for a couple of reasons. It’s certainly the case that a lot of the money that is invested in housing and infrastructure by asset managers is, indeed, retirement savings. But it would be disingenuous to argue that those retirement savings are principally the savings of ordinary workers. Retirement savings represent a form of wealth that, like all forms of wealth, is unequally distributed among the population. In the United States, something like 50 percent of all retirement savings are held by the top earnings quintiles among workers, while the lowest earnings quintile essentially has no retirement savings.

When asset managers’ funds perform well, there are end investors who in turn also do well. But to suggest that they are predominantly ordinary workers is very far from the truth.

To argue that if an asset management fund performs well, then ordinary workers benefit by virtue of growth in their retirement savings is simply not true. Most of the retirement savings that are invested are the retirement savings of wealthy people, not ordinary workers. They’re the pension pots of consultants, doctors, bankers, and executives, including of course the executives of asset management companies themselves.

The second thing is that, yes, pension schemes are very significant contributors to these real estate and infrastructure funds. But increasingly, they’re not the only ones. A growing amount of the money that is invested in these funds is coming from sources around which it would be much harder for asset managers to tell a comforting public relations story.

A few years ago, for example, Blackstone established a huge new infrastructure fund, and around 50 percent of the capital that is committed to that fund is provided not by pension schemes and underlying workers’ retirement savings, but by the sovereign wealth fund of Saudi Arabia, which is an entity that has received a huge amount of scrutiny and criticism from human rights organizations like Amnesty International. A minority of the money in that fund represents retirement savings, and a minority of those retirement savings represents the money of ordinary workers. When asset managers’ funds perform well, there are end investors who in turn also do well. But to suggest that they are predominantly ordinary workers is very far from the truth.

US Imperialism Alone Can’t Explain the Triumph of the Right in Latin America

Histories of the Cold War in Latin America often center the United States’ bloody footprint in the region. And with good reason: US crimes in the region committed in the name of anticommunism included propping up dictatorships, overthrowing democratic governments, and enabling genocide. A new book by historian Vanni Pettinà takes a different approach. His […]

Turbo Cancer Leukemia: Children From Ages 11 to 21 Are Dying Within Hours or Days of Cancer Diagnosis

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In unseren Schulen herrscht Krieg!

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Three civilians wounded by Gaza rocket, one seriously

The IDF had instructed residents of communities near the Gaza border to remain close to shelter in anticipation of a possible escalation but has since lifted those restrictions.

By JNS

A 25-year-old civilian was seriously wounded on Tuesday by a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip into the southern Israeli city of Sderot.

The victim was evacuated in critical condition to Barzilai Medical Center in Ashkelon, the Magen David Adom emergency medical service said.

Two other civilians were lightly while working on the same construction site.

The Israel Defense Forces said the terrorists fired at least 21 projectiles in a major barrage.

21 rocket launches were identified from Gaza toward Israel.

4 rockets were intercepted by the Aerial Defense Array.

— Israel Defense Forces (@IDF) May 2, 2023

A United Hatzalah ambulance team in Sderot transported a man in his 70s to the hospital after he sustained a head contusion while running for shelter due to the alert sirens. The man is in light condition.

United Hatzalah’s Psychotrauma and Crisis Response Unit also treated a mother and her two children for emotional shock while fielding dozens of calls from residents of the Gaza periphery regarding the sirens and rocket barrage who are asking for assistance.

Earlier Tuesday, IDF Armored Corps tanks fired shells at terrorist assets in the Gaza Strip in response to Palestinian rocket fire targeting Israeli civilian population centers in the morning.

The military initially instructed residents along the border with the Hamas-ruled enclave to remain close to shelter, in anticipation of a possible escalation in violence. It has since lifted those restrictions, however, extra-curricular activities, including youth movements, have been cancelled.

Palestinian terrorists fired four projectiles towards the Jewish state early Tuesday after senior Palestinian Islamic Jihad operative Khader Adnan died in prison following an 86-day hunger strike.

Reuters cited Israeli prison authorities who said Adnan, 45, “refused to undergo medical tests and receive medical treatment” and “was found unconscious in his cell” at Nitzan Prison in Ramle.

Efforts to resuscitate him were unsuccessful.

“The occupation [Israel] will pay the price for [Adnan’s] death,” which “will be a lesson for generations,” said PIJ in a statement. “We will not leave this path as long as Palestine remains under occupation.”

Hamas, which rules Gaza, described Adnan’s death as a “coldblooded execution by the Israeli security services,” and warned that “the Palestinian people will not let this crime pass by in silence.

“The path of revolution and resistance will escalate,” said the terror organization.

Following the rocket fire from Gaza, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant recently completed a situation assessment together with the IDF Chief-of-Staff. “Anyone who attempts to harm the citizens of Israel will be sorry,” he said.

World Israel News contributed to this report.

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First Republic, the Latest Victim in US Banking Crisis

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ABC News Censors Democratic Presidential Candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

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U.S. Army Info War Division Wants Social Media Surveillance to Protect “NATO Brand”

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Only solution to Palestinian terror is ‘collective punishment,’ says Gush Etzion mayor

Amid ongoing wave of terrorism, mayor of Gush Etzion calls on government to use collective punishment to deter future attacks.

By World Israel News Staff

Shlomo Neeman, the Mayor of the Gush Etzion Regional Council and Chairman of the Yesha Council, called on the Israeli government Tuesday to use collective punishment to deter Arab terror attacks, lamenting that only such a policy could bring the ongoing save of terror to an end.

Speaking at a hearing of the sub-committee for Judea and Samaria at the Knesset Neeman told lawmakers that Arab terrorists “are no longer deterred and the only action left to take is collective punishment.”

“There are more than half a million residents of Judea and Samaria who are just as entitled to security, as every other citizen of the State of Israel. However, the reality of today is that our women and children are attacked daily. These attacks cannot be dealt with the standard way using counterterror squads,” Neeman continued.

“We rely on the IDF and security forces who operate tirelessly day and night, but we require additional solutions to deal with the raging Arab violence.”

The Gush Etzion mayor also urged lawmakers to make it easier for Israelis to use their firearms in self-defense against terrorists, lamenting the limitations on the use of guns in security situations.

“We demand that that the open-fire regulations for citizens who carry weapons be adapted to the current reality. At present, citizens who carry weapons are restricted by several de facto regulations which do not allow the prevention of stone-throwing incidents in real time.

“In addition, Arab hostilities demand a much broader response than using tweezers to pluck out the problems. They are no longer deterred and the only action left to take is collective punishment. The whole village should be punished, because there is no other way. The entire village should have their work licenses revoked until they settle down. Dealing with Arab hostilities effectively has still not been established other than collective punishment.”

Neeman’s address at the Knesset came shortly after an Arab terrorist opened fire on passing Israeli vehicles outside of the town of Avnei Hefetz in northwestern Samaria. One man was wounded in the attack.

Shira Livman, CEO of the Yesha Council also addressed the subcommittee hearing Tuesday, emphasizing the failure of current counter-terror efforts to stem the rise in Arab terror across Judea and Samaria.

“You cannot repeat the same thing and expect different results. Incidents of Arab violence are constantly on the rise. Residents of Judea and Samaria have the same rights as any other citizen of Israel and our residents do not deserve to be afraid to travel on the roads. We demand from you, from all the representatives present here today, that you understand the magnitude of responsibility that rests on your shoulders, and that you act with all your power until security is restored to the region.”

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