Jenin Was the First Victim of Israeli Apartheid

Israel’s recent bloody attack on Jenin is the latest in a long-standing attempt to pacify a Palestinian town that refuses to bow to Israeli occupation and apartheid.

A man runs for cover after Israeli soldiers fired tear gas during a military operation in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin on July 4, 2023. (Jaafar Ashtiyeh / AFP via Getty Images)

The Palestinian town of Jenin is still reeling from the devastation wrought by Israel’s recent brutal attack, which left at least thirteen Palestinians dead (including women and children), injured one hundred, and displaced thousands others. For two days, Israeli forces pounded Jenin with airstrikes and drones, backed by military convoys and bulldozers.

Touted as the biggest military operation in Jenin since the Second Intifada, the full-scale incursion rendered the city a ghostland in ruins. After long hours of unceasing violence, Jenin resembled an abandoned battlefield engulfed in smoke.

A boy checks the damage inside a house in the occupied West Bank Jenin refugee camp on July 6, 2023, following a large-scale Israeli military operation that lasted for two days. (Zain Jaafar / AFP via Getty Images)

But Jenin is not a state at war with Israel. It’s a refugee camp within an occupied city.

The camp, which turns seventy this year, was founded by Jordan to host Palestinian refugees who had been displaced by the 1948 war. Today, some seventeen thousand refugees are squeezed into a quarter square mile, known as Jenin refugee camp.

Israel has coveted Jenin since the 1948 war, when its forces failed to take the city. Its location on the Jordanian border offered an attractive buffer zone for the nascent state. Defended by the Iraqi Army, Jenin was one of the few Palestinian towns where the Arabs fought bravely and showed fierce resistance. (A war cemetery for Iraqi soldiers is still located on the outskirts of Jenin.)

It was the survival of Jenin that allowed it to serve as a refugee haven for displaced Palestinians from Haifa and other parts of Palestine. In a tragic irony, Israel is now bombing the very refugee population it displaced seventy-five years ago.

The Israeli leadership was baffled by the defeat in Jenin, whose heroic survival would haunt Israel for decades to come. Had Israel taken Jenin that year, Haaretz noted, the Arab front on the Jordanian border would have collapsed, the Iraqi army would have retreated, East Jerusalem would have been captured, and the Jordan River would have become Israel’s border.

In 1967, Jenin fell under Israeli occupation with the rest of the West Bank, rendering it a second Gaza, an occupied city swollen by refugees. Israel occupied Jenin but never truly conquered it. Israeli leaders knew that Jenin was not an easy feat. The city had a long history of resisting foreign occupation.

During the Palestinian Revolt (1936–39), Jenin became a graveyard for British soldiers, embarking on “an intensified campaign of intimidation and sabotage” that caused the British administration “grave concern,” to cite an official British report. Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the legendary Arab field commander of the Arab Liberation Army in 1948, used the city as his military base in northern Palestine, where he mounted his first attack against Zionist forces near the strategic road between Haifa and Jenin.

Owing to its refugee history, Jenin became a hub for Palestinian militants, and consequently, the site of Israel’s collective punishment against Palestinians. It served as a militant stronghold for Palestinian Islamist groups such as the Alquds Brigade and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade, but also more secular groups like the Black Panthers of Fatah and the Red Eagles of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).

This rendered Jenin a symbol of Palestinian resistance against occupation. The young Palestinian militants fighting Israeli occupation in Jenin today, including the nascent Jenin Brigades, represent a new generation of Palestinians who grew up in refugee camps under the yoke of Israeli apartheid, and who have suffered decades of settler violence.

The Jenin camp has long been a target of Israel’s repeated invasions, raids and bombings, curfews and targeted killings, mass arrests and house demolitions. During the first Intifada, the camp was the target of several Israeli raids and military incursions.

Over its tortured history, the Jenin Camp has known very little peace. The Oslo Accords of 1993, which forced Israel to hand administrative control of Jenin to the Palestinian Authority, have only made Israeli incursions into the camp more and more constant.

The Jenin Camp was an Israeli creation, birthed by Israel in the aftermath of war. Haunted by its refugee history, Israel continues to view the impoverished and powerless camp as a security threat of “existential” proportions that requires extraordinary and disproportionate measures.

Two decades ago, Israel meted out its most brutal measure against Jenin: apartheid. It began with the Second Intifada, when Jenin became a major battlefield for Palestinian liberation. The uprising started off as a popular rebellion but soon became militarized. Jenin became known to Palestinians as “the martyr’s capital.”

In April 2002, Israel launched a major incursion into Jenin as part of its Operation Defensive Shield, known among Palestinians as the Battle of Jenin. The destruction was swift and total.

Palestinian sources put the Palestinian death toll in the hundreds, most of whom were civilians. The battle, which lasted for ten days, left four hundred homes destroyed and hundreds more severely damaged. The BBC reported that 10 percent of the camp was “virtually rubbed out by a dozen armored Israeli bulldozers.” A UN envoy likened the camp to an earthquake zone.

Israeli bulldozers razed houses with family members in them. Some four thousand residents, a quarter of the camp’s population, were left homeless, twice displaced. Military destruction of town and camp and the Palestinian narrative of the battle is documented in Mohammad Bakri’s film Jenin, Jenin.

In May 2002, the Israeli government, led by Ariel Sharon, adopted a plan to build a separation wall between Israel and the West Bank. Adding salt to the wound, Israel picked Jenin as the building block of the wall.

In June, Israeli forces stormed Jenin, demolished houses, razed fields to the ground, and confiscated private Palestinian lands for the first segment of the wall. Construction began near Salem village west of Jenin, and extended in stages to Jerusalem in the south.

What was once a fertile Palestinian land became an intrusive network of electric fences and concrete walls twenty-five-feet high, with rolls of razor wires and deep dishes, military trenches, manned checkpoints, and surveillance towers — all flanked by military roads and vehicles on the Israeli side. Overnight, Jenin became enclosed by giant concrete walls topped with military watchtowers and Israeli snipers. Jenin was emerging as the nucleus of Israeli apartheid.

A bulldozer clears the rubble along a street in Jenin refugee camp on July 6, 2023, following the Israeli military operation. (Zain Jaafar / AFP via Getty Images)

By the time the wall was completed, Jenin’s apartheid reality was sealed: it was now an occupied city under siege, segregated by an apartheid wall, and cramped with refugees. It was a prelude for apartheid in Palestine.

Today, some 3.5 million Palestinians live in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, mostly in segregated cantons behind Israel’s “apartheid wall” and newly constructed “Apartheid Road,” and in towns and cities penned between Jewish settlement blocks and behind a network of segregated roads, security barriers, and military installations. The wall, which runs deep into Palestinian lands, displacing Palestinian communities and cutting off their towns and villages from one another, has created a two-tiered system that provides full constitutional rights and privileges to Israeli settlers while depriving Palestinians of basic human rights.

For Palestinians who live there, apartheid signals not merely segregation, but the inhumanity of life under occupation: the beatings, shootings, killings, assassinations, lynchings, curfews, military checkpoints, house demolitions, forced evictions and deportations, forced disappearances, uprooting of trees, mass arrests, extended imprisonments, and detentions without trial.

The ongoing violence against Palestinians in Jenin and elsewhere is the ugly reality of Israeli apartheid, the culmination of decades of occupation and dispossession of a stateless people deprived of basic human rights and freedoms. The camp should never have existed in the first place.

Iran’s Rulers Have Contained the Protest Movement, but the System Is Far From Stable

The Iranian leadership has managed to contain the biggest protest wave since the 1979 revolution. De-escalation of geopolitical tensions with the US would help the protesters, making it harder to depict domestic dissent as the product of foreign interference.

Students at Amirkabir University in Tehran, Iran protesting, September 20, 2022. (Darafsh / Wikimedia Commons)

At the height of Iran’s countrywide protest movement last fall, the Islamic Republic’s all-powerful supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, called it a “hybrid war” fomented by foreign enemies — particularly the United States — through their local agents, taking advantage of the grievances of misguided Iranians.

Blaming domestic dissent on foreign conspiracies has been the official narrative of Iran’s ruling clerics ever since they took over after a popular revolution toppled the shah’s US-backed dictatorship in 1979. In what follows, I will focus on the role of this narrative to understand how the Islamic Republic has so far managed to contain Iran’s most recent wave of popular protests.

State of Siege

Iran’s 1979 revolution had a powerful anti-imperialist thrust, a reaction to a quarter century of US support for the unpopular shah, who had been restored to his throne in 1953 through a CIA coup. After the shah’s fall, the caretaker government appointed by the revolution’s charismatic leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, initially maintained relations, however tense, with Washington, which went as far as intelligence-sharing with the CIA.

Iran’s 1979 revolution had a powerful anti-imperialist thrust, a reaction to a quarter century of US support for the unpopular shah.

However, everything changed in November 1979, when Khomeini declared the launch of a “second revolution” and allowed the takeover of the US embassy, and its fifty-five staff members, to drag on for 444 fateful days. Initially a reaction to the admission of the ousted shah to the United States by the Carter administration, this prolonged confrontation with Washington enabled Khomeini to impose a clerical dictatorship, pushing out and then eliminating all rival political contenders, particularly those of the anti-imperialist left.

But this strategy of regime consolidation came at an enormous cost, placing the United States firmly in the camp of the Islamic Republic’s enemies. Washington’s effective state of war against Iran began with crushing economic sanctions during the hostage crisis and has continued all the way to the present. Taking advantage of the US-Iranian confrontation, Saddam Hussein invaded Iran in 1980, starting an eight-year war that devastated both countries.

Throughout the war, Washington supported Baghdad directly, as well as through its Saudi and Kuwaiti proxies, at times engaging in armed intervention against Iran. However, like the hostage crisis, the war was not simply one that was imposed on Iran. Khomeini, through the American hostage-taking, contributed to its outbreak, and subsequently refused to end it after Iran recovered its lost territory within two years, insisting on regime change in Baghdad as the price of peace.

Even more than the hostage crisis, the almost decade-long war turned the Islamic Republic into a security-obsessed warfare state that saw foreign enemies behind all of its problems. The war also permanently militarized Iran’s postrevolutionary state, as could be seen in the ever-growing political clout of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, a professional military force that was more powerful than the regular conscript army. Moreover, the war economy of the 1980s was built around a conglomerate of “foundations” and other para-state organizations that controlled the country’s vast oil income, capital markets, and labor force.

To harness revolutionary mobilization in the service of war, the Islamic Republic built a rudimentary welfare state, providing low-quality but universal education and health care. When the war eventually turned into a major political liability, Khomeini accepted a ceasefire in 1988, while at the same time ordering a purge of his imprisoned opponents. A committee of judges, including Iran’s current president, Ebrahim Raisi, ordered the executions of thousands of political prisoners.

This bloody postwar purge marked the conclusion of the revolution’s first decade. Khomeini introduced constitutional changes bequeathing unlimited secular and religious authority to his successor as supreme leader, including the power to suspend basic Islamic tenets such as daily prayer. Thus, the post-Khomeini Islamic Republic continued as a constitutional clerical dictatorship and a permanently militarized state locked into an existential defensive posture vis-à-vis a host of foreign enemies led by the United States.

Abortive Thaw

During the 1990s, Iran embarked on the task of postwar reconstruction, adjusting its statist war economy to the neoliberal world order. Meanwhile, US sanctions remained in place despite a “thaw” in relations with Tehran when Mohammad Khatami became president with a reformist mandate in 1997.

During the 1990s, Iran embarked on the task of postwar reconstruction, adjusting its statist war economy to the neoliberal world order.

Within two years, and coinciding with the Iranian Revolution’s twentieth anniversary, simmering discontent boiled over into countrywide demonstrations, triggered by university students protesting the closure of reformist newspapers. The government’s hard core then clamped down hard, drawing a red line in blood beyond which reforms would not be tolerated.

Soon, the window of opportunity for mending relations with the United States was closed, this time by Washington. Invading Afghanistan in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush gave a speech naming Iran, along with Iraq and North Korea, as “Axis of Evil” targets in the United States’ “war on terror.” Ironically, this came at a time when the Islamic Republic was quietly cooperating with the US overthrow of the Taliban.

The new hard line against Iran was pushed by a pro-Israeli, neoconservative lobby that was trying to place Iran ahead of Iraq as a target of regime change via American military intervention. Relentlessly pushed by Tel Aviv, more US sanctions piled up on Iran, now accused primarily of weaponizing its nuclear energy program. The Bush administration ignored Israel’s nuclear arsenal, built in defiance of the international Non-Proliferation Treaty, to which Iran was at least a signatory.

Although they severely damaged Iran’s economy and disrupted the daily lives of its people, US sanctions could not bring about regime change in Iran, something they had also failed to accomplish in Cuba or North Korea. The real objective of sanctions was to cripple Iran’s economy and make life unbearable to ordinary people, who might then, it was hoped, rise up and overthrow the Islamic Republic, perhaps with a little “friendly” intervention from Washington or Tel Aviv.

Ironically, this cynical logic validated the claims of Iran’s rulers, who had always associated foreign intervention, including punishing sanctions, with domestic dissent and opposition to the state. Ultimately, US sanctions strengthened the Islamic Republic’s repressive hand, providing its leaders with the perfect excuse to crush dissent by tying it to the real machinations of foreign powers.

Obama and the Green Movement

A potential breakthrough in US-Iran relations seemed possible when Barack Obama took office and began secret negotiations with Iran’s supreme leader. But everything was paused when, in 2009, Iran plunged into its largest mass protest since the outbreak of the revolution. This was the Green Movement, adopting the campaign color of the candidate who alleged that there had been fraud in that year’s presidential election.

US sanctions strengthened the Islamic Republic’s repressive hand, providing its leaders with the perfect excuse to crush dissent by tying it to the real machinations of foreign powers.

Exactly thirty years after the 1979 revolution, millions of mostly urban, middle-class men and women were defying the government’s political impositions. As usual, the supreme leader claimed the Green Movement was a foreign conspiracy and unleashed the security forces to shoot, stab, and club protesters or run speeding cars and motorcycles into their midst.

It took a few months, hundreds of casualties, and thousands of imprisonments to eventually put down the 2009 Green Movement protests. Significantly, these protests were in support of a presidential candidate who was asking for reforms within the Islamic Republic. Their violent crushing sent the message that meaningful reform within the existing system was not possible.

In the aftermath of the Green protests, the Obama administration toughened its sanctions policy while resuming secret negotiations with Iran. During Obama’s second term, official negotiations between the United States, Iran, and five permanent members of the UN Security Council eventually led to the signing of the Iran nuclear deal of 2015.

The deal offered Iran significant sanctions relief in exchange for international oversight and restrictions of its nuclear program. Vociferously opposed by Israel and right-wing factions of the Iranian diaspora, the deal was canceled by Donald Trump, who piled up additional sanctions in 2018. While totally reversing Obama’s policy of diplomatic engagement, Trump stopped short of military confrontation with Iran, yet went as far as brazenly assassinating the Islamic Republic’s top officials, such as the commander of its foreign military operations.

The Trump administration’s extreme bellicosity and reimposition of crushing US sanctions exasperated a major economic downturn in Iran. The government adopted belt-tightening policies, including food and energy subsidy cutbacks, which in turn led to widespread angry demonstrations, this time mostly among the poor and working classes.

The Latest Round

Starting in 2017, the new protest cycle peaked in 2019, during the revolution’s fortieth anniversary, when the state deployed massive military force, including tanks and helicopters, to put down unrest by inflicting hundreds of casualties. Eerily, the cycle of mass protests and their bloody suppression had occurred with regularity at the end of every decade in the life of the Islamic Republic, in 1988, 1999, 2009, and 2019.

Then, while the country plunged into a life-and-death struggle with the COVID-19 pandemic, the government switched to a much harsher political strategy. In 2021, all relatively moderate factions, particularly those who had negotiated the nuclear deal with Obama, were purged in the virtually uncontested election to the presidency of Raisi, the cleric who had been involved in the mass murder of political prisoners.

The record-low turnout of this election showed the public’s response to a state that no longer pretended to care about its electoral participation. This was the background to the most severe protest cycle since the revolution, breaking out as Iran was emerging from the pandemic in fall 2022.

The 2022–23 upheaval quickly reached such intensity that many observers saw Iran as being on the brink of another revolution.

In some ways following the pattern of previous protests, the 2022–23 upheaval quickly reached such intensity that many observers saw Iran as being on the brink of another revolution. The trigger event was the September 2022 death in police custody of twenty-two-year-old Mahsa/Jina Amini, who had been arrested for improper veiling. Angry demonstrations immediately broke out all over the country as many women discarded or burned their headscarf in public.

The callous murder of Amini, a young Kurdish woman, epitomized overlapping layers of systematic repression that targeted women, youth, and ethnic minorities. Consequently, the protests were led by young people, with women playing a prominent role, and were most intense among Iran’s ethnic Kurds, Baluchis, and Arabs.

Moreover, the political upheaval was happening in the middle of ongoing vigils and strikes by workers, teachers, and pensioners, who were all struggling with unprecedented levels of unemployment and inflation. Thus, in addition to gender and ethnicity, the protests united people across class lines, as a decade of declining living standards had blurred the lines between the middle strata and the laboring poor.

In a marked difference from all previous cycles, the 2022–2023 protests were thoroughly secular and at times openly anticlerical, though not anti-religious. Nor did the response of government leaders emphasize the narrative of saving Islam, focusing instead on the need to save Iran from conspiracies hatched abroad. After about five decades, Iran’s era of Islamic politics seems to have reached its end.

Containment

By the early months of 2023, the frequency and intensity of street protests began to decline, with an estimated tally of about five hundred killed — including dozens of children — and about twenty thousand arrested. In the wake of the revolution’s forty-fourth anniversary in February 2023, the supreme leader felt secure enough to “pardon” thousands of those arrested.

Although they reinforced each other across the country, the protesters did not develop any unified leadership, organization, or political demands.

Still, scattered street protests and their violent suppression have continued, most intensely in Kurdish and Baluch regions, while labor unrest and university strikes linger as well. Although they reinforced each other across the country, the protesters did not develop any unified leadership, organization, or political demands. Nor could the protests converge into a general strike, as had happened in the last months of the shah’s rule.

In addition to popular celebrities, academics, and cyberspace activists, the state’s purged political factions — mainly the reformists of yore — reacted with open sympathy and support of the protests. The leader of the Green Movement, Hossein Mousavi, under house arrest since 2009, called for peaceful regime change through a national referendum, while former reformist president Khatami more cautiously mentioned the possibility of a constitutional referendum.

These proposals, along with a litany of specific grievances and complaints, have been openly discussed in the Iranian press. The boundaries of censorship have been pushed back considerably, even though journalists, many of them women, are routinely arrested and imprisoned.

The Iranian diaspora, too, has played a notable, if confused and conflicted, role in the recent upheaval. The diaspora has internationally amplified Iran’s cries of protest, although some of its factions have tried to speak for the protesters or give them political direction. The most successful diaspora event was an October 2022 rally in Berlin, with eighty thousand coming out to display a rare unity of left and right factions, each with their flags and slogans.

Soon, however, the diaspora, especially in the United States, fragmented in divisive conflicts, particularly as monarchists tried to impose their leadership. Led by the last shah’s son, Reza Pahlavi, monarchists enjoy wide publicity in Iran, mainly through satellite television stations funded by the US government and Saudi Arabia. Cyberspace publicity, however, has not inspired a monarchist political movement inside Iran, where recent protests have displayed no monarchist sympathies.

Even in the diaspora, and despite their fiercely uncompromising stance against the Islamic Republic, monarchists have failed to exert hegemonic influence. The failure was largely self-inflicted, involving a series of blundering missteps.

The diaspora has internationally amplified Iran’s cries of protest, although some of its factions have tried to speak for the protesters or give them political direction.

First, the pretender to the crown, Reza Pahlavi, hastily formed an “all-inclusive” leadership coalition. He enlisted a female Nobel Peace Prize laureate, a couple of right-wing celebrity female activists, the leader of a pro-US Kurdish armed group, and a famous diaspora personality whose family was among the casualties of an airliner mistakenly shot down by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. However, this bizarre coalition quickly fell part as its members began to leave, complaining about monarchist ideological impositions.

Second, the prince asked for a national mandate, via online voting, to personally represent the Iranian people outside the country. Embarrassingly, he received about four hundred thousand votes — perhaps the size of the monarchist diaspora — while Iran’s population of eighty-seven million barely took notice. Third, monarchist rallies proudly featured a notorious chief of SAVAK, the shah’s secret police, which was responsible for torturing and murdering political prisoners.

Finally, Prince Reza rushed to Tel Aviv, where he was anointed by Benjamin Netanyahu, who took a breather from his own government’s political fiasco to renew Israel’s threat of military strikes against Iran. All the while, monarchist and right-wing diaspora groups were pleading with the United States and other “democratic Western governments” to bring down the Islamic Republic by piling up more economic and diplomatic sanctions. This kind of politics plays right into the hand of Tehran’s clerical rulers, who accuse the entire diaspora opposition of involvement with American and Israeli regime-change conspiracies.

The Next Phase

While Iran’s latest popular upheaval has been contained, the Islamic Republic remains far from stability. At the peak of last winter’s protests, even state hardliners acknowledged their seriousness, some even admitting the need for “new governmentality.”

Crucially, women have successfully pushed back against a state that no longer can enforce compulsory veiling. This is a huge victory, both concretely and symbolically, as it shows women’s agency in daily life while defying the government’s insistence on compulsory veiling as a main pillar of the Islamic Republic. In other areas, political skirmishes are continuing inconclusively as powerful figures, such as the head of the judiciary, talk about openness to criticism, and the supreme leader himself comments on whether a constitutional referendum might be possible.

Meanwhile, beyond the containment of the protests, the government has also scored major points, though mostly in foreign relations. In March 2023, Iran and Saudi Arabia surprisingly announced the mending of badly strained diplomatic relations. The Islamic Republic thus neutralized its most powerful adversary next to the United States and Israel.

In addition, nuclear negotiations with the United States and the EU quietly made progress while the state was cracking down on protests and providing drones to Russia’s war against Ukraine. Last month, and obviously with US approval, Iraq and South Korea released several billion dollars of Tehran’s frozen assets, and Iran swapped political prisoners with Belgium and Austria.

Currently, the Islamic Republic is holding formal talks with the EU in Qatar and Oman, while high-ranking US diplomats participate on the sidelines. International and Iranian media report on an “understanding,” according to which Washington will ease sanctions in exchange for Iran’s halting of a weapons-grade nuclear project and conflict with US forces in Iraq and Syria.

That way, even without a formal agreement, the Biden administration could claim to have contained Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons program and sponsorship of “terrorism,” while Supreme Leader Khamenei could also claim to have successfully pushed back on international sanctions while keeping intact Iran’s nonnuclear arsenal.

The Islamic Republic’s reformist opposition, and many on the Left, welcome sanctions relief for ordinary Iranians and de-escalation with the United States, which would reduce the danger of war and make it more difficult for the government to blame domestic dissent on foreign imposition. The right-wing diaspora opposition, however, is already disappointed, as its regime-change agenda hinges on foreign sanctions and military intervention.

Meanwhile, the low-intensity war of attrition against the Islamic Republic continues through daily acts of defiance by ordinary women and men, scattered rolling strikes by workers and university students, mass demonstrations among ethnic groups, and journalists pushing back the boundaries of censorship, all converging on the basic demand of opening up the political system. A major test, coming in less than a year, will be the elections to the Majles (parliament) and the Assembly of Experts, a powerful clerical body that elects the next supreme leader.

It remains to be seen whether the government will decide to show flexibility or stay on its present course of allowing only extreme right-wing candidates. Given the accumulation of multilayered popular grievances, plus a downward economic spiral that will persist even with sanctions relief, another countrywide uprising is a distinct possibility. However, without centralized organization and leadership, even a spontaneous revolutionary rising has little chance of success.

A Cheerful Note on the Alleged “Inevitability of Human Extinction”. “We Have Time and Space to Make a Choice”

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The Corporate Takeover of Canadian News Media Is Accelerating

Canada’s beleaguered news media teeters on disaster as two media behemoths prepare to merge. The merger would intensify the concentration of power in the hands of predatory capitalists and imperil unbiased journalism in the country.

Toronto Star newspapers are displayed for sale in Ontario, Canada, on July 17, 2020. (Della Rollins / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

The abysmal state of Canada news media looks set to sink to depths that even the most cynical observer would have struggled to predict. Postmedia Network, the owner of over one hundred thirty newspaper brands, recently revealed its ongoing discussions regarding a merger with NordStar Capital. The latter company owns a news chain encompassing the Toronto Star, the largest daily newspaper in Canada in terms of circulation.

This merger, primarily aimed at consolidating and reducing corporate debt, would see the further concentration of an even larger share of Canadian news media under the control of predatory capitalists. It also risks accelerating yet more job cuts to already squeezed-to-the-bone newsrooms. Furthermore, the merger would lead to the Toronto Star, widely seen as Canada’s last remaining liberal-leaning national newspaper, being jointly owned by Postmedia. In recent years, Postmedia publications has faced increasing pressure to espouse staunchly right-wing editorial positions and unwaveringly endorse the Conservative Party during federal elections.

Consolidation and Corporate Debt

Postmedia announced the nonbinding talks on June 27, following what it described as “unusual trading activity.” According to Postmedia’s statement, NordStar would have 50 percent control and 44 percent economic interest in the yet-to-be-named merged entity, and Postmedia shareholders would have 50 percent control and 56 percent economic interest. Tacitly acknowledging the divergent editorial leanings of Postmedia publications and the Star, the statement offered assurances that “the Toronto Star would maintain its editorial independence from the merged entity through the incorporation of a new company.”

Indeed, the statement suggests that the potential merger has little to do with any political or editorial agenda and is primarily about shoring up the companies’ troubled finances. Andrew MacLeod, CEO of Postmedia, was quoted in the announcement saying: “The core rationale for the proposed merger is to create a new entity with reduced debt, national digital scale to compete with the global technology giants and economies of scale in the business mode.” The statement also included platitudes about strengthening “democracy” and “the fabric of our country.”

There is doubt as to whether the merger would actually solve the two companies’ financial woes. As reported by the Globe and Mail, the merger would create a lighter debt load, but would be unlikely to fix more structural problems.

Postmedia, founded in 2010 as the successor to the bankrupted Canwest Global Communications Corp., is currently $288 million in debt and making interest payments by accruing yet more debt from hedge fund lenders. The majority of Postmedia’s shares are currently owned by Chatham Asset Management, an American hedge fund that would swap almost all of its loans to Postmedia for equity in the merged entity, according to sources who spoke to the Globe.

In the first six months of 2023, as the Globe explained, Postmedia issued payment-in-kind bonds to Chatham in lieu of interest payments. During this period, Postmedia lost $36.6 million. The Globe noted that Postmedia’s previous attempts to reverse its financial fortunes by scaling up have not been successful. In the past eight years, Postmedia bought the Sun Media newspaper chain, swapped forty-one newspapers with Torstar (the company now owned by NordStar), and purchased the Brunswick News empire. Financial troubles have continued apace, resulting in a years-long trend of journalists being cut from the company’s payroll.

In recent years, up to August 2022, the company’s total number of employees shrank by more than three hundred. In January, it was revealed that Postmedia planned to lay off 11 percent of all of its remaining editorial staff due to “economic contraction.” CBC News reported that the Montreal Gazette was set to be hit even harder, with Postmedia looking to axe 25 percent of the newspaper’s editorial team. In the Prairie provinces, Postmedia shuffled its regional news editors, appointing one regional editor in chief to oversee seven daily newspapers.

Cashing in on the Company Line

Amid the carnage wreaked on newsrooms, Postmedia’s executives have in recent years enjoyed handsome bonuses. In the 2021 fiscal year, the company’s top five highest-paid executives received a combined total of nearly $2.6 million in bonuses, according to the company’s filings. Bonuses paid to executives for the 2022 fiscal year shrank considerably, however, with MacLeod having to make do with a $150,800 payment on top of his $1.06 million annual salary.

The scale of the potential merger between Postmedia and NordStar will mean that Canada’s Competition Bureau will likely need to investigate and sign off on the deal. But given Canada’s toothless competition laws and the bureau’s recent approval of another massive corporate merger, it is doubtful the federal body will stand in the way.

Besides the grim prospects for journalism jobs in Canada, the merger would all but complete a long-standing right-wing dominance over print news media. Postmedia’s news publications are known for having right-wing editorial stances, with the corporation’s brands endorsing the Conservative Party in every federal election since the company’s founding, and publishing a long roster of far-right opinion columnists.

Despite being traditionally regarded as a liberal-leaning newspaper, the Star’s standing as a rare nonconservative voice in a sea of Tory blue print media has been gradually chipped away. NordStar took over Torstar (the company that owns the Toronto Star) in the spring of 2020. It was pointed out at the time that NordStar’s owners, Jordan Bitove and Paul Rivett, had made extensive donations to conservative politicians and parties (Rivett departed the company in the fall of 2022). In a statement at the time of the takeover, NordStar made assurances about maintaining the Star’s “commitment to progressive positions.”

However, this has been called into question, particularly following the paper’s coverage of the 2022 Ontario election, which concluded with a puff piece applauding the success of Premier Doug Ford’s campaign strategy.

Disrupting Democracy

To say that the looming merger represents a broader state of crisis in Canadian news media would be an understatement. And it’s not just impacting the corporate behemoths. The once-promising endeavors of Overstory Media Group, a start-up aiming to create a for-profit, community-oriented news media chain, took a dark turn earlier this year. Job cuts in the editorial department coincided with a unionization effort, while allegations surfaced of pressure from management to prioritize clickbait over investigative journalism.

Besides for-profit media, independent, nonprofit outlets also face a disastrous blow as a result of Google’s decision to pull Canadian news content from its search engines. This impending action comes in response to Bill C-18, which mandates that tech giants like Google and Meta compensate Canadian news producers for featuring their content and share a portion of their profits.

The outcome was eminently foreseeable as a result of the poorly thought through legislation, but Justin Trudeau’s government appears to have no backup plan to tackle it, beyond using big words backed up with very little material clout. The federal government appears to be unable to prevent predatory corporate mergers, never mind rein in Big Tech’s dangerous amount of control over people’s access to journalism.

The future of journalism and the ability to hold power to account is looking increasingly imperilled. In this grim state of affairs, supporting independent, nonprofit media has never been more important, even if it is a last Hail Mary.

How So Many Americans Learned to “Stop Worrying” and “Love the Nukes”

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“Pro-Worker Conservatism” Has Only Empty Gestures for Workers

London’s National Conservatism (NatCon) conference met with condemnation from liberals and the Left. Novara journalist Moya Lothian Maclean took incisive aim at its anti-woke and authoritarian bromides, and more particularly its Christian-nationalist undercurrent. The Guardian’s Gaby Hinsliff and Rafael Behr framed the gathering in terms of Tory factions: dangerous lunatics against the supposed moderate realists. […]

The Child Labor of Early Capitalism Is Making a Big Comeback in the US

Child labor was common in urban, industrial America for most of the country’s history. It’s now making a disturbing comeback: lawmakers across the US are undertaking concerted efforts to weaken or repeal statutes that prohibit employing children.

Children laboring at Johnson’s Hulling Station, Seaford, Delaware, 1910. Photograph by Lewis Hine 1874–1940. (Photo 12 / Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

An aged Native American chieftain was visiting New York City for the first time in 1906. He was curious about the city and the city was curious about him. A magazine reporter asked the chief what most surprised him in his travels around town. “Little children working,” the visitor replied.

Child labor might have shocked that outsider, but it was all too commonplace then across urban, industrial America (and on farms where it had been customary for centuries). In more recent times, however, it’s become a far rarer sight. Law and custom, most of us assume, drove it to near extinction. And our reaction to seeing it reappear might resemble that chief’s — shock, disbelief.

But we better get used to it, since child labor is making a comeback with a vengeance. A striking number of lawmakers are undertaking concerted efforts to weaken or repeal statutes that have long prevented (or at least seriously inhibited) the possibility of exploiting children.

Take a breath and consider this: the number of kids at work in the United States increased by 37 percent between 2015 and 2022. During the last two years, fourteen states have either introduced or enacted legislation rolling back regulations that governed the number of hours children can be employed, lowered the restrictions on dangerous work, and legalized subminimum wages for youths.

Iowa now allows those as young as fourteen to work in industrial laundries. At age sixteen, they can take jobs in roofing, construction, excavation, and demolition and can operate power-driven machinery. Fourteen-year-olds can now even work night shifts and once they hit fifteen can join assembly lines. All of this was, of course, prohibited not so long ago.

Legislators offer fatuous justifications for such incursions into long-settled practice. Working, they tell us, will get kids off their computers or video games or away from the TV. Or it will strip the government of the power to dictate what children can and can’t do, leaving parents in control — a claim already transformed into fantasy by efforts to strip away protective legislation and permit fourteen-year-old kids to work without formal parental permission.

In 2014, the Cato Institute, a right-wing think tank, published “A Case Against Child Labor Prohibitions,” arguing that such laws stifled opportunity for poor — and especially black — children. The Foundation for Government Accountability, a think tank funded by a range of wealthy conservative donors including the DeVos family, has spearheaded efforts to weaken child-labor laws, and Americans for Prosperity, the billionaire Koch brothers’ foundation, has joined in.

Nor are these assaults confined to red states like Iowa or the South. California, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, and New Hampshire, as well as Georgia and Ohio, have been targeted, too. Even New Jersey passed a law in the pandemic years temporarily raising the permissible work hours for sixteen- to eighteen-year-olds.

The blunt truth of the matter is that child labor pays and is fast becoming remarkably ubiquitous. It’s an open secret that fast-food chains have employed underage kids for years and simply treat the occasional fines for doing so as part of the cost of doing business. Children as young as ten have been toiling away in such pit stops in Kentucky and older ones working beyond the hourly limits prescribed by law. Roofers in Florida and Tennessee can now be as young as twelve.

Recently, the Labor Department found more than one hundred children between the ages of thirteen and seventeen working in meatpacking plants and slaughterhouses in Minnesota and Nebraska. And those were anything but fly-by-night operations. Companies like Tyson Foods and Packers Sanitation Services (owned by BlackRock, the world’s largest asset management firm) were also on the list.

The number of kids at work in the United States increased by 37 percent between 2015 and 2022.

At this point, virtually the entire economy is remarkably open to child labor. Garment factories and auto parts manufacturers (supplying Ford and General Motors) employ immigrant kids, some for twelve-hour days. Many are compelled to drop out of school just to keep up. In a similar fashion, Hyundai and Kia supply chains depend on children working in Alabama.

As the New York Times reported last February, helping break the story of the new child labor market, underage kids, especially migrants, are working in cereal processing plants and food processing factories. In Vermont, “illegals” (because they’re too young to work) operate milking machines. Some children help make J. Crew shirts in Los Angeles, bake rolls for Walmart, or work producing Fruit of the Loom socks. Danger lurks. America is a notoriously unsafe place to work and the accident rate for child laborers is especially high, including a chilling inventory of shattered spines, amputations, poisonings, and disfiguring burns.

Journalist Hannah Dreier has called it “a new economy of exploitation,” especially when it comes to migrant children. A Grand Rapids, Michigan, schoolteacher observing the same predicament remarked: “You’re taking children from another country and putting them almost in industrial servitude.”

The Long Ago Now

Today, we may be as stunned by this deplorable spectacle as that chief was at the turn of the twentieth century. Our ancestors, however, would not have been. For them, child labor was taken for granted.

Hard work, moreover, had long been considered by those in the British upper classes who didn’t have to do so as a spiritual tonic that would rein in the unruly impulses of the lower orders. An Elizabethan law of 1575 provided public money to employ children as “a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers.”

By the eighteenth century, the philosopher John Locke, then a celebrated champion of liberty, was arguing that three-year-olds should be included in the labor force. Daniel Defoe, author of Robinson Crusoe, was happy that “children after four or five years of age could every one earn their own bread.” Later, Jeremy Bentham, the father of utilitarianism, would opt for four, since otherwise, society would suffer the loss of “precious years in which nothing is done! Nothing for Industry! Nothing for improvement, moral or intellectual.”

American “founding father” Alexander Hamilton’s 1791 Report on Manufactures noted that children “who would otherwise be idle” could instead become a source of cheap labor. And such claims that working at an early age warded off the social dangers of “idleness and degeneracy” remained a fixture of elite ideology well into the modern era. Indeed, it evidently remains so today.

When industrialization began in earnest during the first half of the nineteenth century, observers noted that work in the new factories (especially textile mills) was “better done by little girls of 6-12 years old.” By 1820, children accounted for 40 percent of the mill workers in three New England states. In that same year, children under fifteen made up 23 percent of the manufacturing labor force and as much as 50 percent of the production of cotton textiles.

And such numbers would only soar after the Civil War. In fact, the children of ex-slaves were effectively re-enslaved through onerous apprenticeship arrangements. Meanwhile, in New York City and other urban centers, Italian padrones expedited the exploitation of immigrant kids while treating them brutally. Even the then-brahmin-minded, anti-immigrant New York Times took offense: “The world has given up stealing men from the African coast, only to kidnap children from Italy.”

Between 1890 and 1910, 18 percent of all children between the ages of ten and fifteen, about two million young people, worked, often twelve hours a day, six days a week.

Their jobs covered the waterfront — all too literally as, under the supervision of padrones, thousands of children shucked oysters and picked shrimp. Kids were also street messengers and newsies. They worked in offices and factories, banks and brothels. They were “breakers” and “trappers” in poorly ventilated coal mines, particularly dangerous and unhealthy jobs. In 1900, out of one hundred thousand workers in textile mills in the South, twenty thousand were under the age of twelve.

City orphans were shipped off to labor in the glassworks of the Midwest. Thousands of children stayed home and helped their families turn out clothing for sweatshop manufacturers. Others packed flowers in ill-ventilated tenements. One seven-year-old explained that “I like school better than home. I don’t like home. There are too many flowers.” And down on the farm, the situation was no less grim, as children as young as three worked hulling berries.

All in the Family

Clearly, well into the twentieth century, industrial capitalism depended on the exploitation of children who were cheaper to employ, less able to resist, and until the advent of more sophisticated technologies, well suited to deal with the relatively simple machinery then in place.

Moreover, the authority exercised by the boss was in keeping with that era’s patriarchal assumptions, whether in the family or even in the largest of the overwhelmingly family-owned new industrial firms of that time like Andrew Carnegie’s steelworks. And such family capitalism gave birth to a perverse alliance of boss and underling that transformed children into miniature wage-laborers.

Meanwhile, working-class families were so severely exploited that they desperately needed the income of their children. As a result, in Philadelphia around the turn of the century, the labor of children accounted for between 28 percent and 33 percent of the household income of native-born, two-parent families. For Irish and German immigrants, the figures were 46 percent and 35 percent, respectively. Not surprisingly, then, working-class parents often opposed proposals for child labor laws. As noted by Karl Marx, the worker was no longer able to support himself, so “now he sells his wife and child. He becomes a slave dealer.”

Nonetheless, resistance began to mount. The sociologist and muckraking photographer Lewis Hine scandalized the country with heartrending pictures of kids slaving away in factories and down in the pits of mines. (He got into such places by pretending to be a Bible salesman.) Mother Jones, the militant defender of labor organizing, led a “children’s crusade” in 1903 on behalf of forty-six thousand striking textile workers in Philadelphia. Two hundred child-worker delegates showed up at President Theodore Roosevelt’s Oyster Bay, Long Island, residence to protest, but the president simply passed the buck, claiming child labor was a state matter, not a federal one.

Here and there, kids tried running away. In response, owners began surrounding their factories with barbed wire or made the children work at night when their fear of the dark might keep them from fleeing. Some of the 146 women who died in the infamous Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire of 1911 in Manhattan’s Greenwich Village — the owners of that garment factory had locked the doors, forcing the trapped workers to leap to their deaths from upper floor windows — were as young as fifteen. That tragedy only added to a growing furor over child labor.

A National Child Labor Committee was formed in 1904. For years, it lobbied states to outlaw, or at least rein in, the use of child labor. Victories, however, were often distinctly pyrrhic, as the laws enacted were invariably weak, included dozens of exemptions, and were poorly enforced. Finally, in 1916, a federal law was passed that outlawed child labor everywhere. In 1918, however, the Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional.

In fact, only in the 1930s, after the Great Depression hit, did conditions begin improving. Given its economic devastation, you might assume that cheap child labor would have been at a premium. However, with jobs so scarce, adults — males especially — took precedence and began doing work once relegated to children. In those same years, industrial work began incorporating ever more complex machinery that proved too difficult for younger kids. Meanwhile, the age of compulsory schooling was steadily rising, limiting yet more the available pool of child laborers.

Roosevelt’s New Deal transformed the national zeitgeist. A newfound respect for the working class and a bottomless suspicion of the corporate caste made child labor seem particularly repulsive.

Most important of all, the tenor of the times changed. The insurgent labor movement of the 1930s loathed the very idea of child labor. Unionized plants and whole industries were no-go zones for capitalists looking to exploit children. And in 1938, with the support of organized labor, President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal administration finally passed the Fair Labor Standards Act which, at least in theory, put an end to child labor (although it exempted the agricultural sector in which such a workforce remained commonplace).

Moreover, Roosevelt’s New Deal transformed the national zeitgeist. A sense of economic egalitarianism, a newfound respect for the working class, and a bottomless suspicion of the corporate caste made child labor seem particularly repulsive. In addition, the New Deal ushered in a long era of prosperity, including rising standards of living for millions of working people who no longer needed the labor of their children to make ends meet.

Back to the Future

It’s all the more astonishing then to discover that a plague, once thought banished, lives again. American capitalism is a global system, its networks extend virtually everywhere. Today, there are an estimated 152 million children at work worldwide. Not all of them, of course, are employed directly or even indirectly by US firms. But they should certainly be a reminder of how deeply retrogressive capitalism has once again become both here at home and elsewhere across the planet.

Boasts about the power and wealth of the American economy are part of our belief system and elite rhetoric. However, life expectancy in the United States, a basal measure of social retrogression, has been relentlessly declining for years. Health care is not only unaffordable for millions, but its quality has become second-rate at best if you don’t belong to the top 1 percent. In a similar fashion, the country’s infrastructure has long been in decline, thanks to both its age and decades of neglect.

Think of the United States, then, as a “developed” country now in the throes of underdevelopment and, in that context, the return of child labor is deeply symptomatic. Even before the Great Recession that followed the financial implosion of 2008, standards of living had been falling, especially for millions of working people laid low by a decades-long tsunami of deindustrialization. That recession, which officially lasted until 2011, only further exacerbated the situation. It put added pressure on labor costs, while work became increasingly precarious, ever more stripped of benefits and ununionized. Given the circumstances, why not turn to yet another source of cheap labor — children?

The most vulnerable among them come from abroad, migrants from the Global South, escaping failing economies often traceable to American economic exploitation and domination. If this country is now experiencing a border crisis — and it is — its origins lie on this side of the border.

The COVID-19 pandemic of 2020–22 created a brief labor shortage, which became a pretext for putting kids back to work (even if the return of child labor actually predated the disease). Consider such child workers in the twenty-first century as a distinct sign of social pathology. The United States may still bully parts of the world, while endlessly showing off its military might. At home, however, it is sick.

Healthcare Workers Are Dying Suddenly

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