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The government passed a controversial resolution Sunday giving planning approval for construction in Judea and Samaria to Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.
The post WATCH: Israel to approve thousands of building permits in Judea and Samaria appeared first on World Israel News.
English language editors are often unaware of the hate their platforms publish in Arabic.
By Rachel Avraham, JNS
Palestinian schools, mosques, media outlets and social media have long been hotbeds of antisemitic discourse. The same has been true in much of the Arab and Muslim world.
In the West, many still believe that the Palestinian Authority is a partner for peace. However, the official Fatah Facebook page tells a different story.
According to Palestinian Media Watch, the page proclaims that “the Jews allied with Nazis to accumulate wealth,” “the Jews established ghettos in order to separate from other people out of arrogance and disgust of non-Jews” and “Jews were hated because of their racism and filthy behavior.” The list goes on.
Furthermore, P.A. chairman Mahmoud Abbas once proclaimed: “The Jews who migrated to Eastern and Western Europe were subjected to massacres by some state every 10 to 15 years from the 11th century until the Holocaust. Ok, but why did this happen? The hatred of the Jews is not due to their religion, but rather due to their social role that was connected to usury and banks and so forth.”
PA ideology
PMW director Itamar Marcus said on June 13 that one of the fundamentals of Palestinian antisemitism is the assertion that the Jews are not only hated by Palestinians but by “all of humanity, and for good reason. They refer to ‘The Protocols of the Elders of Zion’ as an accurate, authentic document.”
Marcus was speaking at a panel discussion titled “From East to West: The Export of Antisemitism from Arabic Media,” hosted by PMW and CAMERA Arabic at the Menachem Begin Heritage Center in Jerusalem.
According to Marcus, the P.A. leaders and media outlets claim that the Europeans supported the establishment of the State of Israel “because the Jews are so terrible” and they did not want them in their borders.
“This is central to Palestinian Authority ideology. They believe that Jews brought antisemitism onto themselves,” he explained.
Furthermore, he noted that the P.A. media outlets claim that Jews around the world today continue to play the same negative role that “caused Europe to vomit them out. Thus, Israel exists because Europe vomited us out because of our negative political, economic and social role, and we deserved to be kicked out, so they sent us here. That’s why Israel exists. That is why Israel has no right to exist, because we are a colonial invention. These are the messages coming from the Palestinian Authority,” he said.
Marcus noted that Abbas’s adviser on religious and Islamic affairs, the P.A.’s top Islamic legal authority, Mahmoud al-Habbas, claimed: “Jews are humanoids. They are creatures that Allah created in the form of humans. They are cursed descendants of apes and pigs.”
Marcus asked, “Could you imagine what would be the reaction if the chief rabbi of Israel had gone on TV and told Israelis that the Palestinians are not human? All of the media all over the world would have gone crazy. But here you got Abbas’s adviser on Islam telling his people on official P.A. TV that Jews are not humans but humanoids.”
When Jews are dehumanized in this manner, it is very easy to call upon the Palestinian people to wage jihad against the “thieving Jews,” he said.
According to Marcus, this leads to the justification of killing civilians. He referred to a Palestinian terrorist attack in April, in which Lucy Dee and her daughters Rina and Maia were murdered: “A month after they were killed, the terrorists were tracked down and killed by Israel. Then, the P.A.’s Prime Minister [Mohammad Shtayyeh] wrote on his Facebook page, ‘Glory and eternity to our righteous martyrs.’ So, the people who did these murders are heroic jihad fighters,” he said.
Western media
Tamar Sternthal, the director and founder of CAMERA (the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America)’s Israel office, said at the Begin Center, “Nearly a quarter of a century ago, CAMERA focused on ensuring that English language coverage of Israel in American media outlets put forward a professional coverage of journalistic content. Since then, the media environment in which we work shifted dramatically in the face of globalization.”
CAMERA shifted away from focusing solely on reporting in America. This led to CAMERA establishing an Arabic department to focus on “Arabic language reports on Western media outlets, like CNN, Reuters, Agence France-Press, Sky News, France 24, Deutsche Welle and more. We decided to focus specifically on Western media outlets because they are focused on journalistic codes of ethics that require accuracy, accountability and transparency.”
Sternthal said there was a huge need for this project. While she stressed how Palestinian Media Watch and MEMRI (the Middle East Media Research Institute) have done excellent work translating the content of both extremists and moderates from the Palestinian and Islamic world into English, no one was doing the same for the Arabic language websites of Western media outlets.
“There was little or no oversight, including internally. Often, English language editors were completely unaware of this information published on their own platform in Arabic. Problematic language and unfounded claims that English language editors considered unacceptable appeared unchecked in Arabic under their own brand names.”
An analyst who works for CAMERA Arabic, speaking on condition of anonymity, noted that much of the antisemitism promoted in Palestinian Authority media outlets has found its way onto Arabic language websites of Western news outlets.
“For example, the Arabic branch of the British Independent published a theater critic about a Beirut play where Anne Frank was portrayed as a vicious Zionist who came to take a Palestinian home from its original home. The play is called ‘A Letter to Anne Frank.’ It is still there. It has the Independent logo on it. If you did not know that the Independent in Arabic is a Saudi-owned subsidiary, you would think that this is content that the British Independent promotes. Obviously, they are irresponsible about their own content,” the analyst said.
According to him, many antisemites have been given positions in the Arabic language websites of Western news channels. One of them was Joelle Maroun, the Beirut correspondent of France 24, a publicly funded corporation.
“Their correspondent is a huge fan of Adolf Hitler. She publicly praised Hitler for over 10 years and nothing was done. There was no background check. Nothing of the sort. Only when CAMERA Arabic called her out, she got fired. Unfortunately, other correspondents who did likewise only got suspended for a month and they went back to work. You can still see them on the screen.”
More things in common
A Palestinian expert on the Arab-Israeli conflict, who also asked that his name be withheld, stressed that the hateful sentiments mentioned above do “not represent me, my family, my friends, and they do not represent any Palestinian that I personally know. It does not mean that they do not exist. We obviously see them. But this is not the full story for who the Palestinian people are.
“I was brought up on an Islam where Judaism was part of Islam. The Koran itself incorporates the Jewish faith, incorporates the story of Judaism. Joseph, Moses and anyone else within the Jewish history and heritage is also in our teachings. I think that one of the ways we should be looking to fight antisemitism is to find the connections and correlations that we have between the two faiths, for they are closer than they are apart.”
According to the Palestinian expert, “We have more things in common between Islam and Judaism than we have things that separate them. If we look at the religious interfaith [contacts] as a tool to fighting antisemitism, this is something we should be encouraging and looking for the religious authorities who could help to push forward integration and more of an understanding of each other. This comes with education. Education is the key for everything.”
Sadly, he noted that today, “There is not only a lack of education, but a lack of interest in learning [about the other].”
The Palestinian expert stressed that he had been contacted by a few universities in the West to come and speak. Although he agreed, they warned him “about speaking there. People are silenced when they speak in the West. In the West, there is a polarization of the conflict and a prevention of each side to speak.”
He noted that a Palestinian woman from Gaza was invited to speak in the West about how she was tired of the conflict: “She wanted to speak about the importance of bringing people together and discussing the issues. She was silenced by the BDS. Eventually, she did not even go on stage to speak because she was called a traitor.”
In contrast, in the Holy Land, the Palestinian expert noted that one of his best friends is a Jewish man who lives in a “settlement in the West Bank.”
“He is religious, Orthodox and has eight kids. Our views are on the two sides of this room, but we sit in the middle and call each other, and learn from each other.”
However, he stressed that this kind of friendship is not possible in the West today.
“In this atmosphere, I am afraid that the Jewish and Israeli narrative will always be on the losing side. If we are going to play a competition regarding whose narrative is better, people go with the underdog. If we fight each other’s narrative, Israel will always be on the losing side. But the way to move forward is to show up to speak and to show appreciation for learning each other’s narratives rather than finding where my narrative disputes yours and where yours can dispute mine.”
He argued that pro-Israel activists in the West should say: “’I understand your narrative. Come and listen to mine.’ But if you challenge their narrative, you are not going to gain anyone’s support or have a listening ear. At the end of the day, someone who is antisemitic won’t change his views because we solved the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”
However, he said that if a more positive relationship is built between Jews and Arabs inside Israel, the fuel for antisemitism will die down as the conflict is one of the main sources driving antisemitism.
He argued that Israel should do more to bring attention to Palestinians who oppose antisemitism and violence.
“Why not shed light on where we do have a partner for peace, where we do have a partner for a dialogue? This is where we should begin.”
And to this end, he argued that young Israelis and Palestinians should interact more and learn about one another, so they can be educated to support peace and so these Palestinian people who support dialogue can one day seek to replace the Palestinian Authority.
The post How antisemitism in Arab media infiltrates the West appeared first on World Israel News.
The family of the Hillel brothers who were murdered by a Palestinian terrorist met with the four recipients of their corneas.
By Pesach Benson, TPS
In an emotional encounter, the family of Yagel and Hillel Yaniv, two brothers who were killed in a terrorist shooting attack in February, met with the four recipients of their corneas at Petach Tikvah’s Beilinson Hospital on Sunday.
“We are in a happy event, there are people here who have returned to see. It is a wonder of wonders. The light of Hillel Weigel’s eyes still shines in the world,” said father Shalom Yaniv.
One of the recipients, 66-year-old Ron Carmeli of Petach Tikvah, said he’s been looking forward to seeing his granddaughter, playing with her and taking her to the zoo.
“You can feel the dramatic movement from this transition from evil which turned into boundless free-giving love,” said Carmeli.
Itzhak Buskila, a 42-year-old husband and father of three children from Tirat HaCarmel near Haifa who looks forward returning to work in warehouse logistics for a food distributor, read an emotional letter to parents Shalom and Esti Yaniv.
“You are a larger than life family. In the most difficult hours, you thought about giving and free love. Thanks to you, my sight has returned to me. I will never forget the moment they informed me that a donor had been found. Thanks to you, my children will have a father who can see them grow up.”
Also receiving corneas were Ziona Zalzberg, 68, of Migdal Haemek, near Nazareth who loves traveling and looks forward to doing “everyday tasks” on her own, and Tal Almos, a 44-year-old husband and father of three from the coastal town of Atlit, near Haifa. Almos was born with an eye disease and had a cornea transplant years ago. He lost his vision in an accident two years ago.
Hillel and Yagael Yaniv were killed in a Palestinian drive-by shooting in the Palestinian village of Huwara, south of Shechem (Nablus) in February. Their car was rammed by Palestinians, forcing it to the side of the road. The brothers were then shot to death at point blank range.
Hillel was studying in a “hesder” program which combines military service with religious studies in the northern Israeli town of Kiryat Shemona. The 21-year-old was a staff sergeant in the Israeli Navy, who served in a patrol boat squadron.
Yagael, who was two weeks away from his twentieth birthday, was studying in a similar hesder program in the coastal town of Givat Olga. He was seeking to qualify to serve in a combat unit.
Both had signed organ donor cards.
A recent study by Israel Transplant, which helps hospitals find organ donor candidates, found that 60% of Israelis are now willing to become organ donors.
The post Terror victims’ families meet organ donor recipients in emotional encounter appeared first on World Israel News.
Jerusalem said the project would emphasize Palestinian economic development and maintaining security in the region.
By JNS
Israel on Sunday green-lighted the development of a natural gas field located off the coast of the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement that the project would move forward “in the framework of the existing efforts between the State of Israel, Egypt and the Palestinian Authority (P.A.), with emphasis on Palestinian economic development and maintaining security stability in the region.”
The Prime Minister’s Office added that the project is “subject to coordination between the security services and direct dialogue with Egypt, in coordination with the P.A., and the completion of inter-ministerial staff work led by the National Security Council, in order to maintain the security and diplomatic interests of the State of Israel on the matter.”
State-run Egyptian Natural Gas Holding Company (EGAS) will reportedly develop the field, located some 30 km. (19 miles) off Gaza’s coast and estimated to hold more than 1 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.
The estimated cost of the initiative is $1.4 billion, with gas slated to begin flowing in early 2024, according to a November Washington Post report.
Israeli officials have been engaged in negotiations with Palestinian counterparts over the development of the Gaza Marine field, Channel 13 reported last month.
The discussions have been spearheaded by National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi and Maj. Gen. Ghassan Alian—the IDF’s liaison to the Palestinians.
The matter was discussed during Israeli-Palestinian summits in Aqaba, Jordan, and Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, in February and March, respectively.
Following the latter summit, the parties released a joint communiqué that included a promise to “take the necessary steps towards improving the economic conditions of the Palestinian people” and “significantly enhance the fiscal situation of the Palestinian National Authority.”
The issue has been intermittently discussed over the years, and then-Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid, a day before the latest Nov. 1 election, approved a preliminary deal between Israeli, Egyptian and Palestinian officials to tap the resources.
Hanegbi confirmed his involvement in the talks but emphasized that “there will be nothing concerning infrastructure development” in Gaza until Hamas returns the bodies of IDF soldiers Oren Shaul and Hadar Goldin, who were killed in action during the 2014 Israel-Hamas war (“Operation Protective Edge”).
Hamas is also currently holding hostage Israelis Avera Mengistu and Hisham al-Sayed, both of whom suffer from mental illness and crossed into Gaza on their own accord nearly a decade ago.
“We can talk and plan, so [the Palestinians] understand the cost of the loss. It’s not only the matter of gas, there is infrastructure the whole world is ready to bolster in Gaza. We won’t allow this until the boys are returned,” said Hanegbi.
Last month, Israel and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (“Operation Shield and Arrow”) in Gaza fought a five-day conflict, during which the terrorist group fired more than 1,250 rockets at Israeli communities. The IDF responded by striking some 400 terrorist assets in Gaza.
The post Israel greenlights Gaza offshore gas field appeared first on World Israel News.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the deal was “unprecedented.”
By World Israel News Staff
Intel semiconductor giant will build a new chip manufacturing plant in Israel in a deal worth $25 billion, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Sunday, calling it the largest-ever international investment in the country.
The factory, scheduled to open in 2027, will employ thousands of workers at wages above the industry average, the Finance Ministry said.
The deal will include a significant the tax hike for the company, from the current 5 percent to 7.5 percent.
The company employs around 10,000 people in four cities in Israel: Haifa, Yakum, Petach Tikva and Jerusalem.
Intel Israel in 2022 posted record exports of $8.7 billion.
In 2017, Intel bought Mobileye for over $15 billion, still the largest investment in Israeli tech to date. In 2022, it also bought Israeli foundry Tower Semiconductor for $5.4 billion.
The post Intel to make ‘largest investment in Israel’s history’ with $25bn factory appeared first on World Israel News.
A giant bear climbed up the second story of a home in Colorado for more than just porridge, as per The New York Post, which published a video of his daring escapade.
The post WATCH: Massive bear climbs into Colorado home, devours pork chops appeared first on World Israel News.
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At a campground near the Gorge Amphitheater in Washington State, where the Beyond Wonderland electronic dance music festival was taking place, two people were killed and three more were injured following a mass shooting on Saturday night.
At 8:23 p.m. local time, law enforcement responded to reports of shots fired into the crowd. According to Kyle Foreman, a public information officer with the Grant County Sheriff’s Office, the suspect was “randomly shooting into the crowd” and eventually taken into custody. Foreman did not provide any information about the victims or the type of weapon used.
Despite the incident, the concert in the city of Gorge, located 149 miles east of Seattle, was still going ahead as planned. A tweet from the festival organizers advised attendees to steer clear of a specific gate to the campground, but stated that there was no danger.
According to Gun Violence archive, a nonprofit organization dedicated to tracking incidents, there have been 307 mass shootings in the U.S. in 2023 so far. The organization defines a mass shooting as an event in which at least four people, other than the shooter, are shot. Motives and intentions of the shooter in this incident remain unknown.
Tenants of a low-rent apartment building in Toronto, Canada, protesting evictions, July 16, 2022. (Steve Russell / Toronto Star via Getty Images)
Review of the The Tenant Class by Ricardo Tranjan (Between the Lines, 2023).
What if there is no housing crisis, but a housing market working exactly as designed?
Ricardo Tranjan’s The Tenant Class rests on this premise, effortlessly dismantling apolitical narratives of Canada’s housing system to reveal an intentionally obscured class struggle between exploited tenants and extractive landlords — most of whom wouldn’t have it any other way.
In this timely and refreshing manifesto, Tranjan takes aim at Canada’s structurally inequitable and increasingly deregulated rental market, which prevents, rather than promotes, housing security, affordability, and adequacy among tenants.
He draws parallels between exploitative labor relations and the exploitative rental market to describe how property-owning landlords amass wealth on the backs of tenants — all thanks to government complicity dating back to the dispossession of indigenous lands and creation of property rights.
He then uses historical and contemporary tenant organizing stories — alongside his own professional and lived experiences as a political economist, policy researcher, and child of turbulent 1980s Brazil — to argue that the only solution is a struggle: the tenant class must organize to build political power and demand a more equitable, regulated, and largely nonmarket housing system.
To create the conditions for social change, Tranjan also calls on progressive researchers and allies to practically feed and support on-the-ground movements. After all, “it takes political power to go up against the landlord class and force governments to rein in markets,” and part of building that power involves addressing the cultural marginalization of the tenant class.
But more than that, it requires that the rest of society sees and names the class struggle within Canada’s housing system for what it is. To this end, Tranjan advances a simple and unsettling provocation in the last chapter, reminding readers of their own agency: “now the question is . . . where you stand.”
The message is clear: it’s time to pick a side in this class struggle. There is no neutrality in the face of injustice, disinformation, and exploitation.
The Tenant Class practices what it preaches, systematically busting harmful myths about tenants and “struggling landlords” while offering compelling and research-backed arguments, stories, and quips, which can be mobilized by organizers and advocates to push for housing justice. And though it may not be politically palatable to the roughly two-thirds of the population who benefit from the status quo (namely, property owners), Tranjan’s clear and incisive class-based analysis extricates itself from the endless housing “policy merry-go-round” in important and radical ways.
For one, Tranjan decisively names the power-holders that feed, constitute, and enable the elite landlord class in its mission to extract more and more income from tenants. From homeowners to industry players, landlords, real estate investment firms, pension funds, developers, banks, and other mortgage providers, he makes apparent that a huge segment of the population benefits from a housing market in which rents rise faster and faster, untethered from income, inflation rates, and vacancy rates (not to mention human rights standards).
This doesn’t happen in a vacuum, however — government laws and policies (or lack thereof), institutions like landlord and tenant boards, and mainstream moral standards permit and legitimize this wealth accumulation. Meanwhile, disproportionately racialized, low-income, and already marginalized peoples in, or in need of, rental housing face deepening intergenerational poverty at the hands of the property-owning elite — a fact that is conveniently obscured in our mainstream news media and consciousness.
Tranjan thus argues that mainstream narratives that frame the “housing crisis” as an apolitical, complex, or new issue that requires technical or win-win solutions only serve the interests of the elite. In fact, these elites pour money and resources into making these narratives appear to be common sense or the way of the world, particularly through their influence over news media and government. They even co-opt progressive language (like the language of human rights, equity, and “affordable housing”) or use disinformation to undermine criticism, disguise their exploitative policies and practices, and maintain the status quo.
“Supply-side” arguments constitute one such narrative, suggesting that we simply need to build more housing faster to make housing affordable — a solution that conveniently involves sweetening the deal for developers and landlords through financial incentives. And, as Tranjan notes, our governments reproduce, pander to, and invest in these narratives.
Take Canada’s National Housing Strategy, for example. Steeped in supply-side logic, the strategy funnels billions of dollars to for-profit developers who produce housing that, more often than not, ends up contributing to, rather than addressing, the root causes of unaffordability, homelessness, and housing inequity. Yet, insidiously, the strategy uses the language of human rights and affordability to disguise these extractive practices.
In the context of my own work to implement the human right to adequate housing via federal policy, I see these dynamics firsthand. Well-intentioned and progressive housing policy professionals too often become trapped in cycles of consultation, make-work, and self-censorship with governments, only to have their research and solutions shelved time and time again.
Government and sector leaders engage in the endless “merry-go-round” of debating policy tweaks or Band-Aid solutions to homelessness and inadequate housing rather than meaningful, structural, and human rights–based change. And all the while, our political and policy leaders (many of whom are part of the elite class) manage to evade naming and regulating the profiteers and beneficiaries of housing injustice.
This reality is what makes The Tenant Class so powerful, timely, and necessary. It resists the cyclical dynamics of the housing discourse and reminds readers of what tenant movements have known for decades: the problem is political, not technical. And importantly, profit doesn’t have to be part of the housing equation.
Drawing from inspirational stories of defiant tenant movements, resistance, and power, Tranjan places our contemporary “housing crisis” within a century-long history of class-based struggles — struggles that are ongoing.
The book reminds tenants of their agency and allies of the need to center and support those tenants, all while recognizing that “the challenge for the tenant class is not to find solutions for the so-called housing crisis, but to enact the solutions we know work”: namely, moving as much housing as possible outside of the private market (i.e., to increase nonmarket housing); tightly regulating private market housing (i.e., via tenant protections, rent and vacancy controls, etc.); and keeping tenants organized to ensure ongoing political pressure and access to adequate, affordable, and secure housing.
In this way, The Tenant Class stands apart from the mainstream housing paradigm and gets to the heart of Canada’s so-called housing crisis with precision and conviction. Weaving together history, data, and stories with thoughtful ease that makes the complex feel accessible, it serves as fuel for social change and vividly demonstrates the power of collective action. It paints a vision of a housing system that decenters profit in favor of justice, democracy, and human rights — one in which everyone has access to safe, affordable, and dignified housing.
And, most importantly, it makes social change feel possible so long as readers confront the reality of our class-based housing system head on.
This book is, therefore, a must-read for tenants, housing advocates, policy professionals, or “anyone else interested in rental housing.”
To tenants, it says: join or start a tenant union — you have the power to fight back.
To housing advocates and policy wonks, it says: now is the time to organize, build political pressure, and link arms with tenant movements who have been doing this work all along.
And to everyone else, it says: pick a side. Do you stand in solidarity with the rising tenant class, or will you uphold the exploitative status quo?
Tranjan doesn’t let anyone off the hook in this compelling piece, asserting that it is up to all of us to take up the mantle of tenant organizing, to support those on the front lines of the struggle, and to demand a world in which adequate housing is truly for everyone.
Berale Crombie, co-founder of Tekuma 23, an NGO striving to build support for judicial reform, explains why he’s optimistic, despite all the hurdles and seeming lack of progress.
The post WATCH: Right-wing activist optimistic about judicial reform – here’s why appeared first on World Israel News.