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Lebanese “researcher” Dr. Ali Hamie last week wondered aloud on Iranian TV if “Hitler had enough gas to burn six million Jews.” He also claimed that the Jews and the Zionists control people’s minds and thoughts as well as the media.
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The post The Rollback of Child Labor Protections Is Well Underway appeared first on Global Research.
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The post Involuntary Servitude in Russia, Ukraine, and the U.S. appeared first on Global Research.
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The post America’s State Media: The Blackout on Biden Corruption Is Truly ‘Pulitzer-level Stuff’ appeared first on Global Research.
Without conceding a millimeter of Ukraine’s besieged territory, we can yet make a bold bid for peace. I saw the Parade of Tall Ships in New York Harbor on July 4, 1976. That fleet included two Soviet ships—Tovarish and Kruzenshtern. On that Bicentennial Fourth, the world was at peace. We need peace again.
The United States should ask His Majesty King Charles III and Prime Minister Rishi Sunak to invite the major seafaring nations to send their Tall Ships to Cowes, on the Isle of Wight. We should urge the Peace Parade to include Japan’s Kaiwo Maru and Germany’s Gorch Fock. The message from these former enemies of Russia and the Allies is that Peace is Possible. From there, they could seek Gospodin (Mr.) Putin’s permission to sail on to St. Petersburg. There, they could embark Russian climate scientists and return to Britain.
From London, the Russians could join an international team of climate scientists for the flight to Punta Arenas, Chile. There, the scientists could continue their voyage to Antarctica. To carry them, we could dispatch the U.S. Coast Guard icebreaker Polar Star, and a Canadian icebreaker, hopefully to rendezvous with Russia’s 50 Years of Victory. The Russian nuclear-powered icebreaker is the world’s largest.
We can demonstrate that our objective is cooperation on the global environmental crisis. We can hope that this would be a bridgehead for efforts to negotiate on the Ukraine war. In the 1970s, the U.S. exchanged with China teams of table tennis players. It was then called “Ping Pong Diplomacy.” Our new effort could be called “Diplomatic Icebreakers.”
It is essential for us to show that we have no deep-seated hatred for the people of Russia. Far from it. This writer has recommended sending our hospital ships—USNS Comfort and USNS Mercy—to Odessa treat Ukrainian patients and even wounded Russian soldiers. As well, we proposed a peace conference at Torgau to resolve the issues in this unjust and tragic attack on Ukraine. Torgau, Germany, was the city where the Red Army and the U.S. Army clasped hands in January 1945. That brief but essential cooperation between Russians and Americans can yet serve as a precedent for agreement.
Obviously, the recent charges leveled against Gospodin Putin by the International Criminal Court will make any cooperation on any issue difficult. But it is not insuperable.
At the Yalta Summit Conference in February 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill met with Soviet dictator Josef Stalin. Why didn’t the democratic leaders denounce Stalin’s murder of 20,000 Polish prisoners of war, Catholic priests, and intellectuals in the Katýn Forest? Certainly, Churchill and FDR were fully apprised of this atrocity.
Their silence on this heinous episode was understandable. Stalin was calmly sacrificing more than 20,000 lives of his own soldiers every day in the war. Roosevelt and Churchill knew that without Stalin’s help, we would have had to face all those battle-hardened Germans. Eighty-five of every hundred German soldiers who died in World War II died fighting the Russians. Stalin didn’t have to worry about Russian mothers’ reactions to such appalling losses. American and British mothers were also voters.
Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy were fully apprised of Soviet horrors in their brutal suppression of the Hungarian Revolt of 1956. Americans read with horror of Soviet conduct in James Michener’s shocking exposé, The Bridge at Andau. Eisenhower and Kennedy doubtless knew that one episode spoke to KGB savagery. The Soviet secret police had recruited a Hungarian woman who hated all men. Disfigured by teenage acne, heavy-set “Major Meatball” regularly inserted glass catheters in her victims. Then beat them until they shattered.
When the U.S. invited Nikita Khrushchev to visit the U.S., Eisenhower and Kennedy knew of KGB’s monstrous record. Churchill had once denounced Communists’ depravity for “capering like baboons on a mountain of skulls.” Nothing of Soviet conduct had changed since he wrote those words in the 1920s.
Our urgent need for peace with a nuclear superpower, however, overrode the calls for bringing Khrushchev to justice before any international war crimes tribunal. Because Roosevelt and Churchill, Eisenhower, and Kennedy acted with restraint, we avoided World War III.
Their cool analysis and restrained response to aggression is what is needed now to avoid a Third World War. Gospodin Putin will not be the collaborator that George W. Bush saw when he said: “I looked into [Gospodin Putn’s] eyes, into his soul, and saw a good man.” Dissident Russian writer Vladimir Bukovsky was asked in Washington about President Bush’s naïve comments. “I have looked into many a KGB’s eyes. I have not found that a particularly spiritual experience.” When Vice President Joe Biden visited the Kremlin in 2011, he told the Russian leader “I don’t think you have a soul!” In this, Mr. Biden erred on the other side.
Worse still, after Gospodin Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, President Joe Biden asked for God to remove him from power. This is an echo of King Henry II’s cry for help: “Will no one rid me of this meddlesome priest?” Henry’s barons got the message. They cut down Thomas à Beckett, Archbishop of Canterbury, as he celebrated Mass.
Even more shocking was Hillary Clinton’s demand for “regime change” in Moscow. Gospodin Putin knows what she means. He shared with his cohorts videos of Hillary cackling at the lynching of Gaddafi in 2011. The Senate’s leading Republican on foreign policy, Lindsey Graham, has gone so far as to call for assassinating the Russian leader. That is a violation of international law and is a crime under U.S. statutes.
All of this threatens our ability to bring Gospodin Putin to the table to negotiate Russian withdrawal from Ukraine. The costs to the world are incalculable. The U.S. is spending more than $100 billion a year defending Ukraine. This is our moral duty, but it is not painless. This war’s collateral damage makes the case for a Peace Overture all the more urgent.
President Kennedy preserved the peace by never personalizing his differences with the Soviet rulers. “Let us remember that civility is not a sign of weakness and sincerity is always subject to proof.” Kennedy’s wisdom can be applied to our conflict with Russia. Then, let’s set sail for St. Petersburg!
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Demonstrators during an Amazon Labor Union (ALU) rally outside an Amazon warehouse in Staten Island, New York on April 11, 2023. (Paul Frangipane / Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Is the current labor uptick just more hype than reality? Numerous articles have recently made this case, pointing to the continued decline in union density in 2022. This skepticism also appears to be the prevailing view among most national union leaders. Though rarely stated publicly, labor’s continued routinism suggests that few people up top see our moment as particularly novel or urgent.
But contrary to these skeptics, there is compelling data indicating that things really are changing — and, therefore, that unions should immediately make a major turn to new organizing.
Consider, for instance, the statewide 2018 educators’ strikes, which were largely begun over viral rank-and-file Facebook groups. This was the first US strike wave since the 1970s, impacting millions of students and involving hundreds of thousands of school workers. Strike activity in 2018 rose to its highest peak since the mid-1980s, and it remained high in 2019 as the wave spread to blue cities like Los Angeles and Chicago. The qualitative shift was even more significant: unlike in the Reagan era, the red-state revolt consisted of work stoppages that were mostly illegal, statewide in scope, offensive in their demands, and generally victorious in their outcomes.
Number of US Strikers, 2002–2019 (in thousands) (Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Work stoppages involving 1,000 or more workers”)
Union membership numbers present a grimmer picture. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 273,000 workers joined unions last year. Yet because total employment rose at a faster rate, union density fell from 10.3 to 10.1 percent from 2021 to 2022. Clearly, we are not currently in an upsurge analogous to the 1930s. As exciting as recent campaigns may be, we should be sober about their very real limitations.
Dwelling only on the continued decline of union density, however, misses the forest for the trees. One of the reasons why recent worker-driven campaigns are so qualitatively important is that they have won union elections at some of the largest corporations in the world. Amazon’s 1.1 million employees, for example, constitute the country’s second-largest workforce, and Starbucks’s workforce is the eighth largest.
Winning elections at these types of firms is a major development that is not captured by membership rolls alone. National unions have for decades generally avoided pushing for union elections at such large companies, believing not unreasonably that they were simply too powerful to defeat — at least under our current, threadbare, and barely enforced labor laws. As such, the vast majority of years since the Fortune 500 was established in 1955 have witnessed zero, or at most one, union drives at the nonunion companies on the list. In contrast, 2021 saw three such drives and 2022 saw eight.
Given labor’s overall risk aversion, it is not surprising that a majority of those organizing efforts were instances of what I call DIY Unionism — strikes and union drives that are initiated by self-organized workers and/or in which workers take on key responsibilities traditionally reserved for union staff.
Fortune 500 Companies Targeted by Unionization, 2021–2022
Labor’s opponents are well aware of this increase in worker-to-worker organizing. In a 2022 report, the notorious union-busting firm Littler Mendelson sounded the alarm:
There has been a shift in how people are organizing together to petition for representation. What was once a top-down approach, whereby the union would seek out a group of individuals, has flipped entirely. Now, individuals are banding together to form grassroots organizing movements where individual employees are the ones to invite the labor organization to assist them in their pursuit to be represented.
To be sure, workers at Amazon, Starbucks, Apple, Google, and other megacorporations are still a long way away from winning a first contract. That will likely take many years, more intervention from state actors, and greater resources from established unions toward boosting, and defending, new organizing. But it is a major historical development that unionizing the US private sector’s biggest players no longer seems like a distant fantasy.
The fact that these recent drives have won elections against such economic heavyweights helps explain why news coverage of unions shot up in 2022 — as does the fact that media outlets have become one of labor’s most dynamic growth areas.
Yearly Press Coverage of Unionization (Newspapers.com. Salience of the term “unionize” by year, in over 22,000 archived US newspapers)
Increased publicity about David versus Goliath workplace organizing, and negative publicity about union busting, is bad news for corporate America. Stories of ordinary workers taking on billionaire CEOs tend to spur copycat attempts. And coverage of illegal (or morally reprehensible) union busting tarnishes company brands, while increasing pressure on elected officials to defend and enforce labor law.
When it comes to fomenting today’s pro-union zeitgeist, the growth of pro-union sentiment over social media is no less significant. To cite just a few examples: Antiwork — a misleadingly named Reddit group focused on exposing bad working conditions and promoting unionization — shot up from eighty thousand members in early 2020 to 2.3 million members by late 2022. The labor-focused media outlet More Perfect Union has received 150 million views on its YouTube and TikTok videos. And videos of Starbucks workers walking out in response to illegal firings now regularly go viral, racking up millions of views and exposing the hypocrisy of a nominally progressive corporation. Starbucks’s vice president of partner resources thus recently admitted that she had to turn off social media because it “has been very disheartening. And yet perception is reality in some way shape or form.”
Media attention on its own will not turn things around for unions, but it is nevertheless critical for keeping up momentum and bringing “the labor question” back to the center of US politics. Millions of workers are finally beginning to see that nonunion jobs can become union jobs — and that they personally could play a role in making that happen. No less important, coverage of recent union drives among white-collar and (largely female) pink-collar care workers has undercut the still-common myth that unions are just for white men in hard industry. Multiple worker-organizer interviewees explained to me that the first thing they had to do was disabuse themselves and their colleagues of the assumption, to quote a New York Times tech worker named Vicki, that “unions are just for coal miners or something — not for us.”
Google analytics allows us to measure the increase in search queries last year asking the question: “How do I form a union?” The following graph captures a surge in bottom-up unionization interest, particularly in the wake of the highly publicized union win at Amazon’s JFK8 warehouse on Staten Island. Today’s active interest in unionization constitutes a major contextual difference from the 1990s and 2000s, when labor’s halting turn to new organizing stumbled over the high staff resources required to spark workers to unionize.
Google Searches for “How do I form a union?” (Google Trends. Data collected on January 17, 2023)
Qualitative data also indicates that there has been an increase in individual workers directly reaching out to unions asking them to organize them — what unions usually call “hot shops.” To quote a cannabis-industry-worker-turned-Teamsters-organizer in Illinois, “these workers are reaching out to us for help, so that’s unusual. It used to be we were seeking them out and now they’re coming to us. Our phones are ringing constantly with workers who want protection, higher wages, better benefits and accountability from these companies.”
Put simply: despite the immense power of the forces arrayed against them, rank-and-file organizers today are continuing to take big risks to win power and democracy at work. Unions should follow their lead.