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Palestinian youths burn tires during a protest near the Israel-Gaza border on February 23, 2023. (Mahmud Hams / AFP via Getty Images)
On November 9, 1938, my great-grandfather Hugo was beaten by Nazi paramilitaries and sent to Sachsenhausen, a concentration camp forty minutes outside of Berlin. Nearly two years earlier, at the age of sixteen, my grandfather Uli had left Germany by himself to live with family in America. Hugo had been shot in the butt while serving in World War I. He survived, the bullet ripping through his diary and denting the canteen in his back pocket, and his status as an injured World War I veteran protected our family from some of the earliest anti-Jewish laws following Adolf Hitler’s ascent to power in 1933. But as conditions progressively worsened and Uli could no longer attend school, his family thought it best to get him out of the country.
Hugo was one of thirty thousand Jews arrested and sent to concentration camps between November 9 and 11, 1938. Days earlier, Herschel Grynszpan, a seventeen-year-old Polish-Jewish refugee living in Paris, assassinated a German diplomat. Germans responded by imposing collective punishment on Germany’s Jewish population, staging a state-backed pogrom infamously known as “Kristallnacht,” or the “Night of Broken Glass.” German mobs set ablaze and broke the windows of Jewish homes, businesses, and synagogues, blanketing the streets with shattered glass while assaulting and arresting Jews en masse.
A Christian colleague successfully secured Hugo’s release two weeks later, and Hugo was immediately rushed to a hospital due to internal bleeding from multiple beatings. In 1939, Hugo, my great-grandmother Lotte, and my grandfather’s twin sister, Isa, escaped to England. Lotte died from cancer in England before the war was over, and Uli never saw her again.
They were some of the lucky ones. Millions of other European Jews would be arrested and sent to concentration camps, used for slave labor, and ultimately exterminated in the Nazi government’s “Final Solution.”
Interior view of the destroyed Fasanenstrasse Synagogue, Berlin, burned on Kristallnacht. (Wikimedia Commons)
Following the Nazi Holocaust, the phrase “never again” has been deployed to insist that the world learned its lesson during World War II and would never again let such a horrific crime happen. For the Zionist movement, this collective trauma and moral imperative provided a powerful ideological bulwark in achieving its goal of building a Jewish nation-state in historic Palestine.
In practice, this has meant a staunch defense of Israel and its apartheid state, erasing the violent settler-colonialism at the heart of its founding and continued oppression of Palestinians. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), for instance, lists among its examples of antisemitism, “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.”
Growing up as the descendent of a Holocaust survivor and in a Jewish community committed to social justice, I also regularly heard the refrain “never again.” But instead of being used as an ideological cover to shield from criticism of Israeli apartheid and the ongoing military occupation of Palestine, it instilled in me a duty to fight racism and oppression wherever it sprouts its head.
My father became a rabbi, leading our New York City congregation with a social justice ethos. Following my graduation from our Bar Mitzvah program, I became a teaching assistant in our synagogue’s Sunday school for five years, spending most of that time educating sixth graders on the history of antisemitism and the Jewish response to poverty. When Donald Trump initiated his Muslim ban, our congregation mobilized in protest, my father carrying a homemade cardboard sign that read, “My father was a refugee too.”
This form of “never again” has also pointed me to look at Israel, but not in its defense. As I grew older, it became clear that the country that claimed to represent me in the name of the horrors my family went through was founded upon — and remains propped up by — an ongoing ethnic cleansing. In a painful twist of historical irony, large sections of a historically displaced and oppressed group have interpreted that group’s traumatic past as an imperative to repeat the same crimes it once faced. And just as “never again” has acted as an ideological underpinning of Israel’s settler-colonial project, it has been used to dismiss critics of Israel as no better than the Nazis.
But if there is any comparison to be made with the Nazis, it is not with the critics of Israel but the Israeli state itself. Not only was Israel founded upon decades of militia and state violence, and the expulsion and ghettoization of its Palestinian population, but over the past few years, the Israeli government has careened even further to the right, resembling more and more the Nazi regime from which my family fled.
Nazi comparisons should never be made lightly. But the idea that many of my people have become the same monsters from whom my grandfather fled has become harder and harder for me to stomach. If “never again” is to mean anything, it must require action right now in Palestine.
The colonization of Palestine began in earnest in 1897, with the founding of the World Zionist Organization (WZO). Political Zionism was rooted in two reactionary ideologies. First, an ethnonationalist pretext similar to the Nazi’s “Blood and Soil,” identifying an innate connection between a diasporic Jewish people and our biblical home. Second, it was built on, and in turn inspired, other European settler-colonial projects and collaborated with European imperial powers. From the start, Political Zionism advanced demographic and territorial maximization, seeking to establish a Jewish majority and control all the land in historic Palestine.
The delegates at the First Zionist Congress, held in Basel, Switzerland, 1897. (Wikimedia Commons)
The world-historic tragedy of the Holocaust renewed international support for a Jewish nation-state. Following the 1947 UN partition plan, Zionist militias began campaigns of ethnic cleansing, expelling three hundred thousand Palestinians from the land designated for Israel. This mass ethnic cleansing provoked the intervention of neighboring Arab countries, and by the end of the war, seven hundred fifty thousand Palestinians had been removed from their land, hundreds of towns were destroyed, and thousands were massacred. Through this mass expulsion — a historic event Palestinians term Al Nakba, “the Catastrophe” — the modern state of Israel was born.
Following the Six-Day War, Israel came to occupy the rest of Palestine, taking military control over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, a military occupation that continues to this day. Despite multiple decades of military rule, expanding settlements, and a Jim Crow–like apartheid regime for Palestinians, Israel has been heralded by the United States as a democratic beacon in the Middle East, and any criticism of Israel, no matter how tame, has been decried as antisemitic, citing the Shoah as proof of the Jewish state’s historical necessity and infallibility.
But over the past few years, the country’s liberal-democratic facade has come undone as it has lurched even further to the right. In 2018, Israel further cemented Jewish supremacy in its Nation-State Law, officially demoting Palestinians to second-class citizens. In the ensuing years, the Israeli military has escalated its bombing campaigns on the Gaza Strip, increased its assaults on Muslim worshipers in the Al Aqsa mosque, and last year even assassinated the Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh. Somehow, the Israeli government inaugurated this past December is even worse, embracing an explicitly fascist politics and orienting toward the total ethnic cleansing of Palestine.
The parallels between Israel’s race-based occupation and the Nazi government are far too abundant to ignore, especially for those of us who grew up with a deep and painful connection with the Holocaust. Just as Germans acted in collective revenge against German Jews on Kristallnacht, in late February, Israeli settlers laid siege to the town Huwara and surrounding villages in the West Bank, punishing the Palestinian residents for the murder of two settlers earlier in the day. Jewish mobs burned down Palestinian homes, businesses, and even a school, and assaulted Palestinians, injuring hundreds and killing at least one.
The violence on display was so disturbing, even Israeli commentators compared the night to Kristallnacht. In response to the bloody events, Israel’s finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, called on Huwara to be “wiped out,” while insisting that the military should take on the job, not vigilantes.
Damaged property as result of the rampage in Huwara in February, 2023. (Wikimedia Commons)
Alongside the rise of the Israeli far right has been an immense increase in settler and state violence. In 2015, settlers set fire to two Palestinian homes, murdering an eighteen-month-old Palestinian baby, burning him alive. In many towns, Israel Defense Force soldiers have stood by as settlers have attacked Palestinians, while in other cases they’ve protected settlers or joined in on the assaults. In 2022 alone, one hundred fifty Palestinians were killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the deadliest year for Palestinians under the occupation since 2004, which is already being quickly outpaced by 2023’s death toll.
The parallels between the Nazi regime and Israel don’t stop at their similar embrace of state-backed race-based mob violence. Millions of Palestinians under military occupation in the West Bank and Gaza live under a system of Jim Crow, barbed wire, checkpoints, and restricted movement. These features, not bugs, of Israeli society have created a military occupation in which the residents of the Gaza Strip live in conditions eerily similar to those imposed on the Jews confined in the Nazi’s Warsaw Ghetto.
The comparison between Gaza and Warsaw is not new but bears repeating. In 1940, the Nazi occupation established the Warsaw Ghetto to sequester and imprison Jews within the Polish city. At its height, the ghetto, which spanned just over 1.3 square miles, was home to nearly half a million Jews confined in subhuman conditions. The Nazis established a barricade to restrict the movement of its inhabitants, and denied the Jews living there sufficient food, water, health care, energy, and supplies.
Captured Jews being escorted by the Waffen-SS, 1943, after suppressing the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. (Wikimedia Commons)
The German occupiers killed the ghetto’s Jewish population indiscriminately, leading to the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, a last-ditch revolt to prevent their people’s extermination. Though the uprising was brutally suppressed, the world honors the Jewish freedom fighters who fought the Nazi regime and whose martyrdom is a reminder of the fight against oppression and tyranny.
While the Israeli government does not have the same orientation toward the systematic mass execution of Palestinians as the Nazi regime established against Europe’s Jews, the parallels between the Warsaw Ghetto and Gaza Strip are uncanny. Just as in the German occupation of Warsaw, the Israeli occupation of Gaza restricts its Palestinian population’s movement, confines them to dense living quarters, and denies them access to basic needs. These severe conditions are exacerbated by regular bombing campaigns and military assaults on the population-dense Gaza Strip, which destroy civilian infrastructure like homes, offices, pipelines, and sewage treatment and have killed thousands of civilians.
The parallels between the Warsaw Ghetto and Gaza Strip are uncanny.
The open-air prison environment in Gaza and pogroms in the West Bank are part of an overarching system of apartheid with de jure and de facto segregation, a state commitment to Jewish supremacy, and the domination of Palestinians. Jews like myself who have no roots in Israel have the right to “return” and become Israeli citizens, while millions of Palestinian refugees round the world cannot return to their ancestral home. And in Israel’s deeply undemocratic society, Palestinians under military occupation in Gaza and the West Bank have no say in the government that controls their daily lives.
In recent years, Israel has further enshrined explicit racial hierarchy and oriented toward eliminating Palestine’s Arab population to ensure a permanent Jewish majority. Palestinians are harassed out of their homes to make way for Jewish settlers. Right-wing politicians like Smotrich call to wipe out Palestinian towns, while other fascists like Itamar Ben-Gvir, a leader in the illegal settler movement, have been given crucial state positions like security minister. Ben-Gvir has called for establishing a ministry to encourage “the emigration [from Israel] of ‘enemies’ and people who are ‘disloyal’ to the state” — not dissimilar from the Jewish emigration encouraged by the Nazis before implementing their Final Solution.
While those of us in the United States hope to see more democratic oversight over our reactionary courts, in Israel, the Right seeks to circumvent the last checks on their genocidal program. In many ways, the Nakba has never ended, and the full goals of Zionism will never be achieved until the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the river to the sea is complete. The new Israeli government is hoping to fulfill that mission.
Ben-Gvir and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing government have provoked a series of unprecedented protests from Israel’s secular liberal society in defense of an independent judiciary against the government’s recent attacks. Protesters have limited their dissent to opposing what they view as the erosion of liberal norms within Israeli society. It’s encouraging to see Jewish revolt against the Israeli government. But the protest’s near-silence on Israeli apartheid is glaring, especially given the government’s objectives in attacking the courts, blaming them for blocking the government’s ability to “demolish terrorists’ houses,” “[revoke] the rights of terrorists’ families,” reimplement the “death penalty for terrorists,” and “[give] soldiers immunity.”
Israeli forces take a demonstrator into custody as they intervene in Palestinian protests against Israeli attacks on Gaza Strip May 18, 2021 in Bethlehem, West Bank. (Wisam Hashlamoun / Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
While protesters declare they’re out in defense of a democratic and Jewish state, a democratic and Jewish state in Palestine are incompatible. As Peter Beinart writes in the New York Times, “Democracy means government by the people. Jewish statehood means government by Jews. In a country where Jews comprise only half of the people between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, the second imperative devours the first.”
Israeli democracy is all the more an illusion when you consider the millions of Palestinian refugees who are still waiting on their “right of return” as Israel continues to displace more and more Palestinians. Despite what the protesters might claim, Israel’s latest right-wing government is not anathema to Israeli values; it’s the inevitable outgrowth of Zionism’s “Blood and Soil” ideology.
Observing the protests, I couldn’t help but be reminded of Martin Niemöller’s famous poem “First They Came…” in which Niemöller describes standing on the sidelines as the Nazis attacked one group at a time. By the end of the poem, no one is left to speak out for Niemöller as the Nazis come for him. After decades of complicity in the expansion of Israeli apartheid, no one is left to speak for liberal secular Israelis as Netanyahu consolidates his power and establishes a fascist regime.
Despite the glaring similarities between the Israeli government and the Nazi regime from which my family fled, for decades, my family and people’s experience has been wielded in defense of Israel’s systematic racial oppression. This cynical deployment of identity politics has been used to denounce the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, blacklist pro-Palestinian academics, and smear anti-apartheid politicians like the UK’s Jeremy Corbyn and Minnesota’s Ilhan Omar as antisemitic. And to punish and intimidate pro-Palestine organizers, Canary Mission, a right-wing site devoted to documenting anti-Israel activism, routinely publishes the personal information of Palestinian activists, students, professors, and Jewish allies.
These defenses of apartheid and ethnic cleansing under the guise of fighting antisemitism have always deeply disgusted me as a descendent of Holocaust survivors. As a people whose history has been defined by displacement, we should, more than anyone, empathize with and stand in solidarity with those displaced by settler colonialism. Instead, too many Jews see our people’s freedom as contingent in the ongoing oppression of Palestinians.
As a people whose history has been defined by displacement, we should, more than anyone, empathize with and stand in solidarity with those displaced by settler colonialism.
My family’s history taught me to stand up in defense of the exploited and oppressed. Yet mainstream Jewish institutions tell the world that to be a real Jew is not to be a defender of the oppressed but of apartheid. As a Jew, simply speaking out against Israel’s racism and brutal violence against Palestinians elicits accusations of forsaking my people and the label of “self-hating Jew.” My mom recently told me a story about attending a Humanistic Jewish conference during the Second Intifada where she was attacked as a traitor for simply saying “if we believe in equal rights for all people, we believe in equal rights for all people.”
Ironically, the Anti-Defamation League even recently denounced some of the liberal Zionist protests in Israel as antisemitic. Seeing this, I couldn’t help but laugh — just as in Niemöller’s poem, many supporting the protests had used the same denunciations against me and other Jews and non-Jews for our criticisms of Israel.
Despite the dominant narrative by Israel and its powerful lobbying institutions like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee that deploy Jewish identity in support of apartheid, Judaism has a long history of fighting oppression and exploitation. Throughout the nineteenth century, the majority of European Jews rejected Zionism and instead embraced working-class socialist internationalism. These Jews recognized their liberation as wrapped up in the liberation of all of humanity, identified class society and capitalism as the culprit for social ills and antisemitism, and fought to transform the world rather than retreat from it. I embrace their Judaism.
Rabbi Hillel asks us, “If not now, when?,” imploring Jewish people to fight injustice, an imperative I internalized from a young age. Our people’s centuries of oppression and struggle for freedom has only strengthened this resolve. In the face of a fascist Israeli government, we must recognize that Palestinian freedom and Jewish freedom are inextricably linked, and that freedom cannot be achieved until there exists one free and democratic state for Jews and Palestinians. The struggle to make “never again” a reality is far from over.
Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan casts his ballot at a polling station to vote in the presidential and parliamentary elections, in Istanbul, Turkey, on May 14, 2023. (Umit Bektas / Pool / AFP via Getty Images)
Commentators from across the political spectrum have deemed the presidential and parliamentary elections that took place in Turkey on May 14 the most significant in the country’s recent history. The elections can be seen as a double referendum on the current political system and its architect. Last week, voters mobilized in large numbers to express a “yes, but” sentiment toward Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who has been in power for two decades. By voting him into the second round, they approved the continuation of the hyper-presidential and autocratic government, known as “Erdoğanism,” that the incumbent president has gradually established since 2014. Despite receiving significant electoral support, Erdoğan’s opponent Kemal Kiliçdaroglu, a candidate advocating for power sharing, an end to autocracy, and a return to the rule of law and a parliamentary regime, fell short.
The assessment of these elections is quite clear. Even though Erdoğan was not reelected in the first round, he outperformed Kiliçdaroglu, with 49.5 percent of the votes compared to Kiliçdaroglu’s 44.9. This puts Erdoğan in a favorable position for the second round. Furthermore, the People’s Alliance, a coalition consisting of Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) and far-right nationalist and religious parties, secured a parliamentary majority.
While Turkey remains deeply divided between Erdoğan’s supporters and those who desire a change in leadership, the May 14 results demonstrate a further shift of the country’s political center of gravity toward the nationalist far right. The Nationalist Action Party (MHP), which had been projected to receive 6 to 7 percent of the vote in opinion polls, exceeded expectations. At the recent poll it obtained over 10 percent in the parliamentary elections.
Additionally, the emergence of the ultrareligious New Welfare Party (YRP), founded by the son of Necmettin Erbakan, the pioneer of political Islam in Turkey, compensated for the decline in support for the AKP, which garnered 35 percent of the votes in the legislative elections.
The pressing question at hand is why and how Erdoğan managed to maintain the confidence of half the voters, despite a severe economic crisis characterized by high inflation, a steep depreciation of the Turkish lira, increased poverty and inequality, and a system of government marred by corruption and nepotism. Although Erdoğan’s alliance with the far-right MHP since 2016 and the inclusion of small far-right Islamo-nationalist parties in this alliance prior to the elections partly explain his resilience, his control over the media and the extensive exposure he receives, surpassing that of all his competitors, play a significant role. Employing all the resources available to the party-state, Erdoğan ran a defensive campaign with an impressive budget that would make populist leaders in other countries envious. The AKP’s networks of financial patronage likely shielded Erdoğan’s voters from the impact of the serious economic crisis.
Beyond these factors that are unique to populist regimes, Erdoğan continues to appeal to a social aspiration deeply ingrained in Turkish society. He represents an authoritarian figure capable of allaying fears concerning the dissolution of national and religious identity in the face of demands for recognition and equality from the Kurdish population; from Alevis, followers of a heterodox variant of Islam drawing mostly on Shi’a traditions; and from women, as well as a certain anxiety about the West. Erdoğan’s success is owed in part to his ability to alloy these fears to a broader nostalgia for the country’s lost greatness.
However, the opposition managed to unite under the leadership of Kiliçdaroglu from the Republican People’s Party (CHP). The Alliance of the Nation, comprising six political parties representing diverse sociopolitical tendencies ranging from social democracy to the nationalist and liberal right, along with an anti-corruption Islamist faction, aimed to obstruct Erdoğan’s conventional strategy of polarizing society along ethnic, religious, and cultural lines. Their objective was to force Erdoğan into a position where he would have to represent the sociological majority of Turkey — Sunni conservatives.
With the left-wing pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP)’s decision to endorse Kemal Kiliçdaroglu in the first round, Turkey witnessed a broad and diverse rally for democracy, unprecedented in its contemporary history. This transformed the elections into a referendum of sorts. However, the high voter turnout of 88.9 percent, two points higher than the previous election in 2018, appears to have been driven primarily by a surge in far-right Islamo-nationalist sentiment. This ultimately enabled Erdoğan, who has been ruling the country for two decades, to emerge victorious in the second round.
Taking a broader view, when considering the votes from the nationalist right within the opposition alliance, as well as those of a third nationalist candidate whose supporters are likely to sway the majority toward Erdoğan in the second round, it becomes evident that the prospects for democratization are entangled within the grasp of Sunni nationalist sentiments deeply rooted in Turkey. This faction is concerned about the presence of the left-wing pro-Kurdish party in Parliament, which the government’s propaganda equates with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party and terrorism. Moreover, there is unease regarding the potential of an Alevi candidate assuming the presidency.
For the anti-Erdoğan alliance, which achieved a historically high albeit insufficient score, the second round presents the challenge of demonstrating resilience. It will serve as a signal of the capacity of the “other Turkey” to continue organizing itself and resisting Islamo-nationalist autocracy. If Erdoğan is elected in the second round, he will not only have to confront the dire state of the economy, for which he is partly responsible, but also contend with the deep-seated mistrust of the other half of the Turkish population.
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Jerusalem Day fell this year on Friday, although the annual Flag March and other events were held a day early.
By World Israel News Staff
Clashes broke out in the Lions’ Gate area of the Old City of Jerusalem during weekly Muslim prayers on Friday on the Temple Mount. Police were called to the scene.
Three young people and a policeman were lightly injured; two were evacuated by Magen David Adom EMTs to a Jerusalem hospital.
Several cars parked in the area were damaged by rocks and other objects thrown at them.
“Police forces and Border Police worked to control order, prevent friction, and confrontations on the spot while using measures to disperse disturbances. The Israel Police will continue to act resolutely against violence of any kind, violation of public order and attempts to harm police officers or civilians in violation of the law,” Jerusalem Police said in a statement.
لحظات اعتداء الاحتلال على المصلين بقنابل الغاز في باب الأسباط عقب محاولة مستوطنين اقتحام الأقصى pic.twitter.com/sgaYGFYd7H
— القسطل الاخباري | القدس (@AlQastalps) May 19, 2023
This year, Jerusalem Day, which celebrates the liberation and reunification of the Israeli capital during the 1967 Six-Day War, fell on Thursday night and continues until sunset the following day, according to the Hebrew calendar.
The annual Flag March and other festivities were held a day earlier, on Thursday, as the Jewish Sabbath begins Friday evening. Also, a large number of Jews – this year 1,200 – visit the Temple Mount each year on Jerusalem Day; however, Jews are not permitted to visit on Fridays and therefore went a day earlier.
The post Violence erupts between Jews, Arabs in Old City during Jerusalem Day festivities appeared first on World Israel News.
The hospital said it would update the Health Ministry and the public when more information becomes available while respecting the family’s privacy.
By World Israel News Staff
For the second time in less than a year, an in-vitro fertilization mistake occurred at Assuta hospital, The Jerusalem Post reported Thursday.
Most recently, an infant boy conceived through IVF at the hospital’s Ramat Hachayal branch in Tel Aviv was found to have no genetic link to his father.
The couple, who performed IVF in 2018, contacted Assuta upon making the discovery after undergoing genetic testing outside of the country, according to the Post. The results indicate that sperm samples must have been mixed up.
The hospital said it would update the Health Ministry and the public when more information becomes available, the article continues, but it would also respect the couple’s request for privacy.
In October, a woman who had undergone fertility treatment at Assuta’s clinic in Rishon Letzion gave birth to a healthy baby girl who was not theirs genetically. The woman conceived after undergoing IVF, but during the third trimester of pregnancy, after an in-vitro procedure to correct a heart defect in the fetus, it was discovered that neither the mother nor her husband had any genetic connection to the baby.
After being informed she was not the biological mother, the woman immediately declared that she nevertheless wanted to keep the baby. The courts decided in her favor.
It is believed that no more than 20-40 couples are likely the genetic parents of the baby. However, anonymous sources from Assuta told Ynet that the potential parents of the baby actually number in the hundreds.
In March, an investigation by an external committee appointed to determine the cause of the mix-up and to recommend guidelines to prevent such mistakes in future pointed to a too-heavy workload, Times of Israel reported at the time.
“The committee believes that the embryologists’ workload is the reason for not following proper procedures and ‘skipping’ over steps within the protocols,” the Health Ministry said.
The post Who’s the father? Israeli fertility clinic mixes up samples – 2nd time in a year appeared first on World Israel News.
“Since Guardian of the Walls, Hamas has not fired a single rocket into our territory. They are deterred,” Netanyahu said.
By World Israel News Staff
According to a source in Gaza, the Hamas terrorist group is demanding compensation from Israel for staying out of its recent war with Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), Israel National News reported.
The IDF launched Operation Shield and Arrow 10 days ago in response to rockets fired into Israeli territory by PIJ.
Speaking at a Likud party meeting Monday afternoon, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised the operation as a major success and a definitive victory over Islamic Jihad, noting that the five-day campaign had wiped out half of the terrorist group’s leadership, and restored quiet to southern Israel.
“Something has changed. We came to change the deterrence equation – and not for the first time. The most significant change in the balance of deterrence took place two years ago in Operation Guardian of the Walls,” the prime minister said, referencing the May 2021 conflict with Hamas.
Netanyahu noted that since the operation two years ago, Hamas has avoided engaging in rocket attacks against Israel.
Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, reportedly gave its consent to PIJ to launch an attack on Israel despite staying out of the conflict this time.
“Since Guardian of the Walls, Hamas has not fired a single rocket into our territory. They are deterred. Operation Guardian of the Walls dealt Hamas the hardest blow in its history and caused a change in the deterrence equation and it has been working for two years now,” the prime minister said.
PIJ began its rocket launch following the death of hunger-striking terrorist leader Khader Adnan in an Israeli prison.
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