Oliver Stone Goes Nuclear

We talk to legendary director Oliver Stone about his new film Nuclear Now, what he thinks about his critics, and why he sees nuclear energy as a key solution to climate change.

A cooling tower at the Constellation Nine Mile Point Nuclear Station in Scriba, New York, on May 9, 2023. (Lauren Petracca / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Oliver Stone’s brand is antiestablishment controversy. In his features and documentaries, Stone has blazed a trail as a cinematic scourge of the status quo. Platoon (1986), the Vietnam War veteran’s unflinching, grunt’s-eye view of that imperial debacle, won the Best Picture Academy Award, while Stone scored the golden statuette for Best Director. That year, Stone was also nominated in a screenwriting category for Platoon, as well as for his excoriating look at the Ronald Reagan regime’s Central America foreign policy and mass murder in Salvador.

Stone tackled the “greed is good” capitalist class in 1987’s Wall Street and the extremist right wing in 1988’s Talk Radio. The combat vet returned to Vietnam’s battlefields to win another Best Director Oscar and Best Picture nomination for 1989’s Born on the Fourth of July, a stirring ode to antiwar activism. The iconoclastic JFK (1991) received eight Oscar noms, including for Best Picture and Director, and forever shattered the myth of the Warren Commission’s “lone gunman theory,” pointing a finger at CIA and right-wing renegades for conspiring to assassinate President John F. Kennedy.

Although lesser known than his fiction movies, Stone’s documentaries — about Castro, Hugo Chávez, and Yasser Arafat; 2012’s The Untold History of the United States; and so on — helped solidify his reputation as, arguably, Hollywood’s most left-wing director. But now Stone is going against the grain with his latest nonfiction film. In Nuclear Now, Stone makes a frontal assault on the underlying beliefs of antinuclear activists, arguing that nuclear energy is a solution to the climate crisis.

Stone recently spoke with Jacobin about why he made Nuclear Now, the film’s funding, Three Mile Island, alternative energy, and more, including his next film, chronicling the life of another progressive leader, Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Ed Rampell

How did the recipient of a Purple Heart and creator of some of the best antiwar films ever made observe Memorial Day?

Oliver Stone

I went to Austin to be on The Joe Rogan Show. It’s very important – [the podcast] has a huge audience.

Ed Rampell

So how did Nuclear Now come about?

Oliver Stone

I was scared. In the 2006 movie [An Inconvenient Truth by] Al Gore, I was obviously conscious that he was giving solutions to the problems of clime change. But I was confused by the many different sides I was hearing. It was confusing — and I wanted to straighten it out for myself. I saw a book in 2019 that was well reviewed in the New York Times by Richard Rhodes: it was called A Bright Future. It was written by Josh Goldstein, an emeritus professor of international relations, and by a nuclear scientist named Staffan A. Qvist, from Sweden. It was a small little book, but it was simple and commonsensical. Common sense is important. It was very different in the sense that it was saying: “What’s wrong with nuclear power?”

Because that’s all you had heard for many years. I didn’t know; I just went along with the consensus that nuclear power was a bad thing. But when you read the book, you begin to understand that it is not a bad thing — it has been confounded with nuclear war; war and power are not the same thing — and that we have lost, bypassed a great opportunity, in America anyway, [compared to] if we had followed through on “Atoms for Peace,” what presidents Dwight Eisenhower and John Kennedy had started in the 1950s and ’60s.

Nuclear power was working. It worked for many years with the Navy, with Hyman Rickover, and then he transferred his acumen to building civilian power stations. Shippingport, Pennsylvania, was the first one in the United States; in 1958 and 1959 it came online. Many of those same reactors are still going; they’re called “legacy reactors,” but they’re almost finished now. But they worked seventy years [laughs], and nobody complained.

Except there was a scare at Three Mile Island, where no one died, and in fact, the containment structure worked. But a lot of hysteria and brouhaha — as you know, I’m not a guy who believes in passion, necessarily, when it’s wrong. You’ve got to call it out; I wanted the truth, and this is the truth.

I’ve been talking to many scientists. I went to Idaho National Laboratory; I went to France, and I went to Russia and talked to a lot of people. It’s all a lot of hooey from a lot of scared types who love to tell you what’s wrong with everything. You’ve got to scale it down and say, “Relative to what?” Relative to climate change — coal, oil, and gas?

Ed Rampell

In Nuclear Now, you criticize the fossil fuel energy industry for spreading disinformation regarding climate change. Did the nuclear industry have anything to do with the funding of Nuclear Now?

Oliver Stone

No, no, no. This was done with private investors. And the nuclear industry [laughs] has not done a very good job defending itself, if you look at the history. It has had no sense of fighting back. When Jane Fonda and Ralph Nader started their attacks, there was no really interesting response from the industry. It kind of folded up. Which was a shame, because I think when history is written, if we presume the planet will survive, and there’ll be a civilization, and I’d very much like. . . . I am an optimist. When this is written, they’ll say: “This was a huge mistake in the 1970s to stop building nuclear reactors in the United States.” Thank God they did not stop in Russia or China or France, which has kept it going.

But as we said in the film, “It’s too good to die. You cannot kill it off.” The United States is now slowly getting back into, of course, smaller reactors and more modern, new-generation reactors. There’s a lot promise. But the big building is still going on in China, Indonesia, Eurasia, India and so on.

Ed Rampell

You mentioned Three Mile Island. There are disputed accounts of what happened there. For example, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists says there was a 64 percent increase in cancer after the meltdown, and activists like Harvey Wasserman make similar claims. What’s your response?

Oliver Stone

There’s always some — excuse me — protesters who will say, “I saw this and I saw that,” but I’m going off of the facts from the World Health Organization and the United Nations. They do very thorough surveys, and they go back and go back. No one died as a result of Three Mile Island. If someone got cancer, we don’t know that it was a result of Three Mile Island. You can scare anybody about anything.

Why doesn’t Harvey Wasserman go to all the fucking oil wells and all the gas and coal plants and do his horror number? I saw his clip, and I think he’s a scaremonger. He’s like a Ralph Nader, who to this day will still tell you that nuclear is very dangerous and that it can blow up Cleveland and all that. It’s just not possible. You cannot confound nuclear power with nuclear war. It’s not the same thing. They have not enriched the plutonium; it’s not dangerous in the same way. It’s a different process.

Ed Rampell

In Nuclear Now, you have lots of archival footage with clips of antinuclear activists. But correct me if I’m wrong: you, Oliver Stone, did not per se do any original interviews for your film, which made it onto the screen, with antinuclear protesters.

Oliver Stone

No, in the same way that I didn’t in my JFK documentaries interview the people who defend the Warren Commission. There’s so much defense out there — you can go to their interviews. I’m not trying to run a debate society; I’m trying to run a fact-oriented science, where it says this is what scientists say. It’s not what protesters say. I hope you understand there’s also an issue of time and clarity. I had a lot of ground to cover— I couldn’t cover everything.

But I had to go, from the past, what is nuclear energy? Through the history of it, from the origin, through the protest movements of the ’70s, which is a part of it, then what happened in the 1980s and ’90s, then I got into the Al Gore debate about renewables — it’s a long way to go — and the future of nuclear energy. That took an hour and forty-four [minutes], and that’s pretty much at the edge of the attention span of most people. I wanted this film to play for ninth graders, eighth graders. I wanted it to not be too wonky.

Ed Rampell

You used the word “debate.” Wasserman has challenged you to a debate.

Oliver Stone

I didn’t know.

Ed Rampell

I’m going to quote what he told me about Nuclear Now, and I’d like your response.

Oliver Stone

What did he say?

Ed Rampell

“It’s the most dishonest, dangerous, dishonorable film I’ve ever seen. [Stone chuckles.] It’s the Triumph of the Will of the nuclear industry. It’s an abomination.” What’s your response.

Oliver Stone

He’s insane, I think. [Laughs.] I don’t know where he’s coming from. I don’t know the man. He should have a debate with the coauthor of the book, Josh Goldstein, I think, rather than me, because I’m sure he’s got all his arguments, as do some of the other people from that world. It’s not my duty to debate them. I’ve been interpreting a book that I bought. I believe the book; I’ve talked to people at Idaho — that’s who you should be talking to. People who have worked with nuclear and deal with it all the time and who have built these plants.

Where does he come from? He’s an amateur in this world. People who work with nuclear know it. They know these things. And you can’t argue with a guy who’s a zealot.

Ed Rampell

Most of Nuclear Now deals with fission; I know at the end you start to talk about fusion.

Oliver Stone

We went from fission . . . at the end we talk about fusion. We talk about the time period from 2020 to 2050. That’s our concern, that thirty-year IPCC [Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] prediction. Fusion has not worked out yet. I went to Livermore back in 2003 or so, and I saw the fusion experiments. I know there’s been lots of new work, and I just saw Dennis Whyte over at MIT Lab, who’s working very promisingly in plasma fusion, and it’s really interesting work. But it still doesn’t seem to be something practical for this point in time. It might well come into being by 2050 and be the answer to all of our problems for the rest of this century. That would be ideal. We’re all for it.

Ed Rampell

I just returned from Germany. From the air and from the Rhine, you can see solar and windmills everywhere, very widespread.

Oliver Stone

Wonderful. We’re not against it. It’s ok. The problem is renewables don’t work all the time. The maximum capacity so far in Germany of wind is something like 25 percent, and wind has helped Germany. Solar is much less successful: about 11, 10 percent capacity. That means it’s not working most of the time. So what do they do? They bring in gas to back up wind and solar.

Gas, as we explain in the film, is methane. Methane is horrible for the climate. Nobody really talks about methane, and it’s invisible pollution. We show it in the film with an infrared camera. It’s deadly. Although it wears off ultimately, it has very bad short-term effects. So it contributes to pollution, to the warming of the planet. As such, it’s not the perfect solution — it’s the worst solution, next to coal. More coal is worse. But that works for advertising purposes, to say we’re a perfect partner for renewables. People don’t realize it’s methane. It’s certainly better than coal, but there’s no question we need to go back to nuclear in a big way.

Ed Rampell

Before we wrap up, I want to touch on the question of radioactive waste.

Oliver Stone

Waste is the most monitored, supervised industry of all. There’s nothing like it. Compare it to gas, to coal. The waste from those is all over the country. There’s leakage from methane. There’s the oil. In terms of, compared to what? Nobody has died from it. It’s intense and a relatively small amount. After seventy years, they could put all of it into a Walmart, according to some scientists I’ve talked to. It’s not a huge amount. Radioactive decay kicks in; 99 percent of it is over by forty years in. Right now, they cool [the waste] in water and they put it in concrete and steel casks; it’s good for a hundred years. And then you could even move it over to another hundred years on another one.

People like we’re talking about, people who are against it, are talking about a million years, ten thousand years. There’s no end to their concern, but the point is radioactive waste decays, and most of it is not harmful at a certain point. And it’s watched very carefully; it’s actually an advantage of this industry. Also, there’s a new development with a lot of the reactors burning the waste, using the waste. The one in Russia, the breeder reactor, and other reactors in France are burning the waste.

Ed Rampell

What’s next for Oliver Stone?

Oliver Stone

[Laughs.] What’s next for the world, you should be asking. This is important for my children, for your children, for grandchildren; it’s really the future. We have to really think how we get energy, and we’re not doing that in a sober, analytical way. We’re listening to too many nutcases who told us it’s no good. We have to be positive, because this is important. Nuclear energy was a gift from the gods — think of it that way. From the very beginning, we’ve had nuclear energy in the world. What Marie Curie, Albert Einstein, and Enrico Fermi did was bring it to our attention.

Unfortunately, the climax of it came in World War II, and it was used to build a bomb, in a separate process. But Fermi proved we could control, through his rods, the power in the radium. That is an amazing scientific breakthrough,. That’s what Eisenhower understood. Those people who doubt Eisenhower would say, “Well, he was using that to cover for building more and more bombs” — and he did build bombs, ok. I fault him for that.

But at the same time, he did have an idealistic vision of the future, a world powered by nuclear energy. America would not be in this hole it is in now. We’d have a thousand nuclear plants, at least five hundred. We have to build; that’s the important thing. And we have to build fast and on the assembly line, like planes. That’s the message we’re trying to give.

Ed Rampell

You’re nearing completion of a documentary about [Luiz Inácio] Lula [da Silva]. When can we look forward to seeing that?

Oliver Stone

That’s right, hopefully before the end of the year. As you know, I had him in the other films with Hugo Chávez. And of course, he’s gotten a very dramatic story, with his going to jail after his second term. Now he’s back — he’s won a third term. It’s quite a story. He’s a wonderful man.

Why the Arab States’ U-turn on Assad Is a Massive Game-changer

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Walt Rostow’s Development Theory Shows That Capitalism Relies on Brutal Violence

Economist Walt Rostow advanced an influential development theory while working as an adviser to the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. Rostow’s advocacy of murderous violence in Vietnam flowed directly from his theory of how to promote capitalist growth.

Walt Whitman Rostow appearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on his nomination to be Counselor of the State Dept. and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council. (Bettmann / Getty Images)

Commonsense notions of development associate it with capitalist modernization. Such notions assume that cumulative economic growth enables poor countries to become more like rich ones.

To facilitate such growth, policymakers, international institutions, and many academics urge poor countries and their populations to adopt modern ways of thought and action, dispensing with familial or communal loyalties and embracing the benefits of capitalist markets and impersonal bureaucracies.

Those who adopt this perspective insist that such modernization will be beneficial for developing societies in the long run, even though there will always be those who lose out and seek to resist the process. However, since the benefits of economic growth and cultural change outweigh the losses, it is legitimate to forcefully suppress such opposition.

No thinker was more influential in theorizing and popularizing such notions of development underpinned by violent coercion than Walt Whitman Rostow (1916–2003).

Rostow’s Theory of Development

Rostow was a US academic who became world famous for his contribution to development theory. He was also an advisor to President John F. Kennedy and rose to become national security advisor under Kennedy’s successor, Lyndon Johnson, in the mid 1960s.

A core element of Walt Rostow’s theory involved the advocacy of mass violence to eliminate opposition to his vision of development.

Rostow was writing during a time of Cold War and widespread decolonization. He embodied concerns in the West about the menace of Communism to new postcolonial states. Fears of a “domino effect,” whereby if one country fell under communist influence, others would surely follow, were widespread in Washington and beyond, especially following Mao Zedong’s 1949 Revolution in China. Rostow pitched his development theory as a cogent response to this threat.

It was in his advisory positions that Rostow popularized his notion of development and went on to justify murderous US military escalation in Vietnam. Most academic treatments of Rostow disassociate these two moments of his career, either by ignoring his role in the Vietnam War or by portraying it as incidental to his theoretical views. In reality, a core element of his theory involved the advocacy of mass violence to eliminate opposition to his vision of development.

His book The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, first published in 1960, caught the imagination of those who favored the capitalist development of poor countries. Rostow’s skill was to conceptually associate development with capitalist modernization. From this starting point, any threat to capitalist modernization could be seen as a threat to development as such.

Rostow argued that while the United States was currently the richest and most developed country in the world, all other countries could become like the United States so long as they implemented the right policies. While there are many different understandings of human development, Rostow’s version, based on capitalist modernization through economic growth and cultural change, was foundational to the development common sense of his own day as well as ours.

Rostow’s conception of socioeconomic change is still taught widely across development studies degrees. It guides and is used to justify the policies advocated by mainstream development institutions, such as the World Bank, and by political leaders and ruling classes in rich and poor countries alike. These actors refer to the purported benefits of economic growth to justify pain today for gain tomorrow.

Most of the discussion about Rostow’s development theory overlooks the fact that it was predicated upon mass violence.

Most of the discussion about Rostow’s development theory overlooks the fact that it was predicated upon mass violence. For Rostow, pro-capitalist elites in poor countries should ally with the United States to physically eliminate threats to capitalist modernization. His role in escalating the US war on Vietnam flowed logically from his development theory. As historian David Milne put it: “Rostow was not the sole reason why America bombed North Vietnam, but his contribution was of fundamental importance.”

From Tradition to Modernity

In The Stages of Economic Growth, Rostow sought to answer two overlapping questions. Firstly, how could newly independent states in the emerging postcolonial context transform their economies to become like the United States, the most developed country at that time? Secondly, how could newly established postcolonial elites eliminate the threat posed by Communist movements to capitalist modernization?

Rostow insisted that all countries could pass through five stages of economic growth, culminating in a US-style age of high mass-consumption.

Rostow insisted that all countries could pass through five stages of economic growth, culminating in a US-style age of high mass-consumption. In order to do so, they would need to adopt the correct, pro-capitalist cultural orientation as well as an anti-communist political-economic commitment, under military guidance from national elites in concert with the United States.

As Rostow put it:

It is possible to identify all societies, in their economic dimensions, as lying within one of five categories: the traditional society, the preconditions for take-off, the take-off, the drive to maturity, and the age of high mass-consumption.

For Rostow, economic change was “the consequence of political and social as well as narrowly economic forces.” It was the combination of economic growth with the transformation of ideas and norms — from “traditional” to “modern” — that would propel countries through these stages. Crucially, he argued that the modernizing impulse tended to come from outside traditional society — in his own words, “not endogenously but from some external intrusion by more advanced societies.”

This emphasis on the external impulse to modernize enabled Rostow to identify the United States as the key ally for the elites of developing nations in two important ways. Firstly, it would assist them in their attempts to attract foreign investment and technological transfers and integrate their economies into global markets. Secondly, the world’s hegemonic state would forge necessary alliances with the new national elites as they sought to eliminate the Communist menace to capitalist modernization.

Diseases of the Transition

Rostow assumed that most national elites in the emerging Third World wanted to achieve American-style Fordist capitalism. However, such economic modernization would only be possible if they successfully deal with the communist menace. He argued that the rapid process of modernization was highly disruptive, presenting opportunities during this period for communist movements across the Third World to seize power and thwart the potential for capitalist development.

According to Rostow, communism was a ‘disease of the transition,’ with communists playing the role of ‘scavengers’ in the modernization process.

According to Rostow, communism was a “disease of the transition,” with communists playing the role of “scavengers” in the modernization process. He insisted that such movements would have to be eliminated by force and described pro-capitalist military forces as “an absolutely crucial figure of the transition.” According to his perspective, coalitions of postcolonial elites and the US military should be “prepared to deal with the enemies” of capitalist modernization.

Much of the writing about economic development presents Rostow’s theory in benign terms and overlooks his advocacy of war as a development tool. One of the most influential textbooks in the field, Economic Development by Michael Todaro and Stephen Smith, sums up his argument as follows:

One of the principal strategies of development necessary for any take-off was the mobilization of domestic and foreign saving in order to generate sufficient investment to accelerate economic growth.

Adam Szirmai’s book Socio-Economic Development also leaves out the role of state violence in Rostow’s schema:

An important policy recommendation deriving from Rostovian analysis is the requirement of large-scale investment in industry in the take-off stage. Foreign investment, loans and development aid can help compensate for the shortfalls in domestic savings and foreign currency requirements, compared to investment needs. Development aid, training and education can also help surmount the traditional obstacles to growth and contribute to the realization of the preconditions for take-off.

Such interpretations represent the commonsense understanding of Rostow’s theory both within and beyond development economics. The reality of what he advocated was much uglier.

Preventive Medicine

In The Stages of Economic Growth, whose subtitle describes it as a “non-communist manifesto,” Rostow did not bother to discuss the differences between communist movements across the Third World. His broad-brush definition of communism as a “disease of the transition” dovetailed with the legacy of McCarthyism in the United States. The use of such all-encompassing terminology to describe working-class politics of various kinds, both at home and abroad, served to legitimate the repression of such movements by the US state and its allies.

Once Rostow had identified communist and other left-wing movements as a “disease,” it was a short logical step to proclaim that he could identify a cure. In a talk with the title “Countering Guerrilla Warfare,” Rostow addressed the following message to US soldiers at Fort Bragg in 1961:

I salute you as I would a group of doctors, teachers, economic planners, agricultural experts, civil servants, or those others who are now leading the way in the whole southern half of the globe in fashioning new nations and societies that will stand up straight and assume in time their rightful place of dignity and responsibility in the world community; for this is our common mission.

Rostow identified Cuba, Laos, Vietnam, and the Congo as four countries where the international communist movement had managed to “exploit the inherent instabilities of the underdeveloped areas of the non-Communist world,” making it necessary for the United States to intervene. He repeatedly demonstrated the violent logic of his political-economic analysis over the years that followed.

Rostow told Lyndon Johnson that Suharto was ‘making a hard try at making something of Indonesia which could be very good for us and the world.’

In 1965–66, a US-backed military coup by the Indonesian army resulted in a genocidal massacre of more than one million suspected communists and left-wingers as well as members of Indonesia’s Chinese minority. The CIA supplied its own lists to assist with the killings, which paved the way for General Suharto to institute what he called the New Order — an anti-communist, pro-US, free-market regime. Rostow welcomed this turn of events effusively, telling Lyndon Johnson in August 1967 that Suharto was “making a hard try at making something of Indonesia which could be very good for us and the world.”

After the Bolivian army executed Che Guevara in October 1967, with a CIA officer in attendance, Rostow offered another variation on the theme of the US military as a developmental doctor tending to the needs of the Third World. He wrote to Johnson describing Guevara’s death as an example of such generosity:

It shows the soundness of our “preventive medicine” assistance to countries facing incipient insurgency — it was the Bolivian Second Ranger Battalion, trained by our Green Berets from June-September of this year, that cornered him and got him.

Hearts and Minds

Johnson appointed Rostow as his national security advisor after Kennedy’s assassination largely so he could contribute to the US war effort in Vietnam. This was Rostow’s “thesis” of how the United States could win the war through the coercion of North Vietnam:

By applying limited, graduated military actions reinforced by political and economic pressures on a nation providing external support for insurgency, we should be able to cause that nation to decide to reduce greatly or eliminate altogether support for the insurgency.

Following the Gulf of Tonkin incident in August 1964, Rostow wrote to Johnson’s secretary of state, Dean Rusk, with the following advice: “We should seek to guide the forces set in motion by the communist attacks to the maximum extent possible.”

As the tide of the Vietnam War turned ever more against the US military, Rostow advocated further escalation through the use of nuclear weapons to secure victory.

The US troop presence in the region rose from sixteen thousand in 1963 to more than half a million by 1968. Rostow argued that increased bombing of the North — known as Operation Rolling Thunder — would lead to victory. In October 1967, he warned the defense secretary Robert McNamara not to take his foot off the pedal: “If we stop the bombing it will bring them back up and permit them to increase their commitment in the South.”

As the tide of the war turned ever more against the US military, Rostow advocated further escalation through the use of nuclear weapons to secure victory. He deployed the language of his development theory to legitimize such moves, railing against communist “scavengers” of the modernization process. Although the United States held back from exercising the nuclear option, its use of conventional weapons on a massive scale in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia caused the deaths of more than a million people and left those countries in ruins.

Rostow never expressed any regret at the human cost of the Vietnam war. In a 1986 interview, he said that he was “not obsessed with Vietnam, and I never was . . . I don’t spend much time worrying about that period.”

Development and Dystopia

The German-born sociologist Andre Gunder Frank was a contemporary of Rostow’s who wrote about development from a radically different perspective. He offered a scathing summary of Rostow’s intellectual agenda and his work for the Kennedy and Johnson administrations:

As to the efficacy of the policy recommended by Rostow, it speaks for itself: no country, once underdeveloped, ever managed to develop by Rostow’s stages. Is that why Rostow is now trying to help the people of Vietnam, the Congo, the Dominican Republic, and other underdeveloped countries to overcome the empirical, theoretical, and policy shortcomings of his manifestly non-communist intellectual aid to economic development and cultural change by bombs, napalm, chemical and biological weapons, and military occupation?

For anyone really interested in studying the history of development, it should be clear that Rostow advocated mass killing to promote American-style capitalism. However, the way that universities have taught and disseminated his work has often concealed this reality. As one of the most influential theorists of capitalist development, Rostow is an outstanding example of how ruthless violence underpins capitalist development, both in theory and practice.

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More pressure on Israel? The IDF has confirmed that a Palestinian journalist was wounded in Ramallah clashes during early-morning counterterrorism raid on Thursday, and it appears that a second reporter was injured as well.

 

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The Ukrainian Army Is Run Not by the Generals But by the PR Department

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