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Members of the far-right French monarchist movement Action Française take part in a rally in Paris, France on May 14, 2023. (Thomas Samson / AFP via Getty Images)
In 2027, France’s Memorial Museum of Terrorism (MMT) is scheduled to open its doors in Suresnes, a suburb west of Paris. The project will be “unique,” according to the mission statement on the memorial’s pilot website, covering “the history and memory of terrorism over more than fifty years. Moreover, unlike other similar institutions, it does not limit itself to a single attack or single type of terrorism.” Visitors can expect a broad overview of the history of political violence by non-state actors, from Italy’s Red Brigades to a diverse array of nationalist movements and the current jihadist wave.
But the commemoration project dances around one taboo: France’s homegrown tradition of far-right violence. The last of the eight historical sequences laid out in the museum’s scientific prospectus is indeed devoted to “far-right terrorism since the 1990s,” from the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing to Anders Breivik’s attack in Norway in 2011 or the 2019 mass shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand.
Judging by the museum’s mission statement, the French experience of far-right terror — violence “motivated by xenophobia, racism, antisemitism or the hatred of Muslims” — is notably lacking. What’s mentioned in passing are artifacts from a comfortably distant past: clandestine 1930s organizations like La Cagoule or 1960s fanatics of an abandoned French Algeria.
“We’re in total denial,” says Nicolas Lebourg, a historian and political scientist at the University of Montpellier who studies the far right. “You go up to pretty much any French person and say that there were fifty attacks by explosives perpetrated by neo-Nazis in 1979, and their eyes will pop out. If you mention the late 1980s, with machine-gun wielding militants opening fire at cafés frequented by people in the North African community, and he’ll ask, What, really? But I was alive then.”
“It’s not just French society that’s in denial. There’s a denial by the state too,” Lebourg told Jacobin, pointing to the MMT. “We’re basically being told: in France, there’s no such thing as far-right terrorism.”
This illusion is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain, however. In recent years, a series of shows of force points to a revival of neofascist violence in France. According to Lebourg, we’re in the growth spurts of a “fourth wave” of far-right agitation and intimidation, as a new generation of nationalist militants looks to resuscitate the country’s storied tradition of extra-parliamentary fascist gangs and groupings.
This rise in militant activity is one of the most lurid side effects of the far right’s advance within French institutions and political culture. Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement (ex-Front) National now holds eighty-eight seats in the National Assembly, a record under the Fifth Republic. The protofascist polemicist Éric Zemmour came up far short in 2022’s presidential election, but his radicalism has broken all barriers within the conservative establishment, making Le Pen look almost tame by comparison. The ostensibly centrist government in power and major media outlets frequently feed into the far right’s anxieties over a fraying national identity, or the creep of “decivilization,” as President Emmanuel Macron lamented in a cabinet meeting in late May.
“From the point of view of political representation and visibility, the far right has never been more present at the national level,” says Arié Alimi, an attorney who has provided legal counsel for the municipality of Stains in the Paris area, whose town hall was stormed by militants from the far-right group Action Française last October. “This has freed up space for all sorts of violent action.”
The far right’s increasing aggression can be seen in a broad spectrum of different activities, ranging from what might be described as “activism” — often devolving into low-level street violence — to more far-flung conspiracies, to targeted violent attacks or assassinations of political figures. The trial of the thirteen members of the so-called Barjols group, who were arrested in 2018 for concocting a far-flung plan to assassinate Macron and conduct a spate of attacks against the Muslim community, ended this February with a series of acquittals and short-term prison sentences.
This month marks ten years since the killing of eighteen-year-old anti-fascist and left-wing activist Clément Méric by skinheads. Still today, far-right violence is largely the work of youth groups like Action Française, the Groupe Union Défense (GUD), and Génération Identitaire, which was formally “dissolved,” or banned, by the interior ministry in early 2021. With fluid and often overlapping memberships, these groups have a taste for bombastic street protests and often prowl after left-wing activists and students. During periods of intense social movements, they fashion themselves vigilantes of order, like when a far-right gang assaulted a student occupation at the University of Montpellier in 2018, aided by the dean of the law school.
Left-wing party La France Insoumise has also found itself in the crosshairs, with activists and events facing harassment or outright assault from fascist groupings. In a June 2021 video titled “Is leftism bullet-proof?” far-right YouTube star Papacito staged the mock execution of a Jean-Luc Mélenchon supporter.
Taking their cues from fringe accelerationist groups in the United States, the most extreme currents dream up plans to stage attacks in the hope of provoking interracial conflict and averting the supposed “great replacement” of France’s white population. A May 31 report published in the weekly newspaper Le Canard Enchaîné cites classified intelligence service documents claiming that 1,300 individuals associated with the far-right are on so-called S records, indicating that they are deemed a potential threat to public security.
The most extreme currents dream up plans to stage attacks in the hope of provoking interracial conflict and averting the supposed “great replacement’ of France’s white population.
But it’s likely that the radicalized milieu is considerably bigger. As a floor estimate, Lebourg points to the roughly 4,500 individuals who voted in the 2019 European elections for the neofascist micro party Dissidence Française, which has called for a putsch to topple the Republic. (In the early 1960s, according to Lebourg, the intelligence services estimated that were 7,600 far-right individuals susceptible to resort to violence). What’s even more difficult to track is the threat from possible lone-wolf assailants, reared in the putrid swamp of far-right internet culture. In late December 2022, a sixty-nine-year-old man shot and killed three people at a Kurdish cultural center in Paris, days after being released from prison and a year after assaulting a migrant camp in the capital, injuring two with a blade.
Stories like these, though shocking, have normally been treated as miscellanea. But a recent scandal has given an unusual degree of attention to the threat posed by far-right individuals and activists.
In March, unidentified agitators firebombed the private residence of Yannick Morez, the center-right mayor of the town of Saint-Brevin-les-Pins in western France. The town had been the scene of local far-right agitation in opposition to the planned construction of a center for asylum-seekers at the behest of the national government. Morez resigned from office on May 10, accusing state authorities of ignoring the warnings and death threats that he had received. Buckling under local far-right pressure, the town of Callac, in Brittany, backed off in January from accepting a similar migrant center.
While Zemmour’s Reconquête party is an electoral weakling, it has sought to maintain relevance by acting as a pressure group connected with the far-right militant ecosystem.
“The targets have changed,” Alimi told Jacobin this winter, before the Saint-Brevin-les-Pins attack. “Far-right groups are no longer hesitant to attack institutions, like town halls or constituency offices or marches sponsored by political parties and attended by elected officials.”
Undoubtedly an expression of the broader confidence of the far-right, this increasing aggressivity is also a symptom of the reconfiguration of forces within this political sphere. While Zemmour’s Reconquête party is an electoral weakling — with only a handful of elected officials, mostly at the local level — it has sought to maintain relevance by acting as a pressure group connected with the far-right militant ecosystem.
The political scientist Bénédicte Laumond argues that the current energies among the far right reflect a “shift going on within the nonpartisan far right, with Reconquête attracting devoted militants and embedding itself in the subculture of far-right groupings.”
France’s diverse fauna of neofascist groups overwhelmingly supported Zemmour’s candidacy in last year’s presidential elections. This proximity was best expressed by the presence of the so-called Zouaves — a Paris-based fascist gang formally dissolved by the interior ministry in early 2022 — at the polemicist’s campaign launch in December 2022, when its members assaulted a group of anti-racist activists.
If there is a broad perception that Le Pen’s party has distanced itself from far-right gangs, talk of this seems overblown given her party’s deep roots within this ecosystem. At a fascist march in Paris on May 6, two of Le Pen’s close former advisers were seen marching amid the sea of Celtic flag–waving militants. For this dark underbelly of French society, the current political climate is ultimately an embarrassment of riches.
For much of his presidency, the response from Macron’s government to the agitations of the nonpartisan far right has been indifference — albeit punctuated by the occasional, symbolic gesture. When Paris-based far-right groups marched on May 6 they galivanted through parts of the city center — and were met with a miniscule police presence. Days later, Interior Minister Gérard Darmanin announced bombastically that neofascist marches would be banned, an order ultimately suspended by magistrates.
“Legally speaking, there is not a justification to outlaw far-right marches,” says Olivier Cahn, a jurist at the University of Cergy, allowing that French law does recognize ground to ban a demonstration if it’s deemed that there’s a direct threat for violence. (As Le Canard Enchaîné reports, this was revealingly cited by the Paris prefecture to deny authorization for a rally by an aid collective assisting a group of five hundred migrants squatting in an abandoned school building — the migrants had been harassed by local far-right groups, and the authorities evoked the threat of these same groups violently responding to such a rally, should it go ahead.)
The primary weapons in the state’s legal arsenal are administrative dissolutions, drawing on a law dating to the 1930s fight against fascist, anti-republican leagues. But this approach is also showing its limits. “Nobody has resorted to dissolutions as much as Emmanuel Macron has since winning office,” says Cahn.
“It’s symbolic, but not at all effective,” Cahn continues. “For the intelligence services, it also comes with its own drawbacks. It’s far easier to collect information about a structured organization than a lot of scattered individuals.”
The primary weapons in the state’s legal arsenal are administrative dissolutions, drawing on a law dating to the 1930s fight against fascist, anti-republican leagues. But this approach is also showing its limits.
Raphaël Arnault, a spokesperson for the anti-fascist group La Jeune Garde, argues that dissolutions have proven effective on the local level. In Lyon especially, long one of the hot spots for neofascist gangs, they have been used to shut down hangouts for the far-right militants, like “identitarian” bars and boxing facilities.
“Our position is very simple: when it comes to fighting the far right, any and all measures are necessary,” says Arnault. “But dissolving an association without following up, without tracking down the militants and knowing where they regroup isn’t enough.”
That Darmanin has been on a spree of targeting left-wing associations is part of why some claim that there’s little reason to be hesitant about calling for the state to clamp down on the far right. “Now that the interior minister has opened up the floodgates on using dissolutions, there’s no reason not to ask for them, especially if you consider the increasing frequency and intensity of far-right actions,” argues Alimi, a prominent civil liberties advocate.
If the waltz between party organizations like Reconquête and far-right gangs continues, it may also further stretch the French state’s usual policy arsenal. Reconquête is irrelevant as an electoral force. But it’s official status as a party — populated by many figures from the political establishment — means that it escapes many of the setbacks for far-right groups, namely the threat of surveillance.
The author of a new English-language comparative study on responses to the far right in France and Germany, Laumond points out that this is not the case in the German state’s response to the far right, where forces like the Alternative für Deutschland are subject to state surveillance. Zemmour’s political-party-turned-pressure force should pose a “dilemma for the French state,” says Laumond, given that it straddles mainstream visibility and the underworld of far-right groupuscules.
But if the revival of far-right activism and violence intensifies, it ultimately could prove the limits to an excessively state-heavy response. “A mature democracy cannot just count on the state — and specifically its repressive arsenal — to protect democratic institutions,” argues Laumond, pointing to the need for organizing from within society.
“We really need to take anti-fascism out of its comfort zone, where it only seems to attract extremely politicized people on the Left or the far left,” says Arnault, of La Jeune Garde. “We need to develop an anti-fascism that can appeal to a mass of the population.”
Since its founding in Lyon in 2018, La Jeune Garde has expanded to Paris, Strasbourg, Nantes, and Lille. It aims to develop closer ties with more institutionalized unions and parties on the Left. The fact that the organization has a spokesperson marks a shift, according to Arnault, who in early April testified before a National Assembly committee on the risk of far-right terrorism.
But a new strategy doesn’t mean that the fundamentals of anti-fascism are to be abandoned, and Arnault maintains that the principle of popular self-defense is a nonnegotiable when it comes to fighting back against people and ideas that pose an existential threat. This could of course cause problems for La Jeune Garde, given how far Darmanin has targeted other anti-fascist organizations with dissolution orders, like Le Bloc Lorrain or the media collective Nantes Révoltée.
“I’ve long heard people on the Left say things like, don’t defend yourself because if you do they’ll be even more violent,” Arnault told Jacobin. “How paralyzed do we have to be to buy that? No, we need to go twice as hard — and everywhere.”
Former head of IDF says that Israel carried out “extensive attack” against ISIS terror group on foreign soil, killing hundreds of operatives.
By Lauren Marcus, World Israel News
The Israeli air force launched a precision bombing campaign against the ISIS terror organization in 2015, killing hundreds of the group’s members, a former IDF chief of staff revealed on Sunday.
Speaking at an event hosted by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), former IDF head and current lawmaker for the National Unity party Gadi Eisenkot said that Israel executed a “very extensive attack” against the terror group and “hit many ISIS operatives.”
Though Eisenkot did not state in which countries the attack took place, it likely occurred in ISIS-controlled territory in Syria or Iraq.
“The campaign against ISIS was intensive and far beyond that of any other country,” Eisenkot said, adding that it garnered “results that, in some places, went beyond all imagination in terms of the types of operations and attacks carried out. Some of the actions went under the radar.”
Eisenkot stressed that the offensive was a testament to the power of the Israeli military and had made a lasting impression upon world superpowers.
“There aren’t many countries in the world that know how to identify targets the size of a postage stamp and insert a missile into a target within a radius of 1,000 kilometers around Israel,” he said.
“Our enemies saw it, the Russians saw it, the Americans saw it. Those who know best how much the IDF operated throughout the Middle East are the ISIS operatives because they paid the price of the hundreds of casualties, injuries and damages, and they understood who knew how to carry out these operations.”
The attack was a collaborative effort that involved various branches of Israel’s armed forces, Eisenkot said.
“[Many parts of the] army were involved in this campaign: Military Intelligence, Air Force, special units, foreign relations,” he added.
The post Israel bombed ISIS, killed hundreds of terrorists in 2015: Former IDF chief appeared first on World Israel News.
Energy Minister says protesters spat on him as he attended event celebrating 100 years of electricity in Tel Aviv; social media users post photos of his suit jacket covered in what appears to be saliva.
By Lauren Marcus, World Israel News
Energy Minister Israel Katz said that left-wing protesters demonstrating against his presence at an event in Tel Aviv spat on him, calling their behavior “violent” and “dark.”
On Sunday, Katz was rushed by protesters upon his arrival at a ceremony celebrating 100 years of electricity on Tel Aviv’s streets.
Social media footage from the event showed the Likud party minister being shouted down with cries of “Shame!” by demonstrators as he spoke.
“On the 100th anniversary of the [launch of] electricity in Tel Aviv, there were the protesters of darkness, who screamed, cursed, and.. also spat,” Katz wrote on his Twitter account regarding the incident.
“I won’t be deterred by violence masquerading as democracy. I will continue to build the country according to my way and vision,” he added.
Several social media users posted images of white staining, which appeared to be streaks of saliva on the back of Katz’s suit jacket following the event.
תמונה מעכשיו, חליפתו של השר ישראל כ”ץ התמלאה ברוק של מפגיני שמאל עדינים וענוגים שירקו עליו בצאתו מכנס בתל אביב תוך צרחות “חזיר” “שמן” “חבר של פוטין”, אם לא הייתי רואה בעיני, לא הייתי מאמין pic.twitter.com/RMbyXHIKz0
— אבי רבינא Avi Ravina (@AviRabina) June 11, 2023
“Minister Israel Katz’s suit was covered with the saliva of ‘gentle’ left-wing protesters who spat on him as he left a conference in Tel Aviv, while screaming ‘pig,’ ‘fat’, ‘Putin’s friend,’” wrote right-wing radio commentator Avi Ravina on Twitter.
“If I hadn’t seen it with my own eyes, I wouldn’t have believed it.”
Another Twitter user, Or Keren, posted a clip of Katz being escorted by police and bodyguards into a waiting vehicle on Tel Aviv’s Dizengoff Street, after leaving the event.
איך אין שמירת מרחק בין השרים לבין המפגינים? איך המשטרה מאפשרת להם להגיע כ”כ קרוב לשר? pic.twitter.com/cbdeywP995
— or keren (@Wq0oQJmUSfZunt5) June 11, 2023
Protesters can be seen coming within arms’ reach of Katz, causing Keren to question operational procedures for protecting the physical safety of government ministers.
“Why is there no distance between the demonstrators [and the minister]?” she asked. “Why are they allowed to get so close to the minister?”
The incident comes several weeks after a left-wing protester was filmed intentionally striking Agriculture Minister Avi Dichter on the head with a flag.
The post Protesters spit on Israeli minister: ‘Violence masquerading as democracy’ appeared first on World Israel News.
Official tasked with combatting antisemitism says forgiving Hamas-supporting Islamic organization and including them in fight against Jew hatred is a Jewish value.
By World Israel News Staff
After announcing a new plan to battle antisemitism, the Biden administration official tasked with combating Jew-hatred expressed a willingness to work with an antisemitic Islamic group, arguing that the organization deserves a “chance” to improve.
United States Special Envoy for Monitoring and Combating Antisemitism Deborah Lipstadt admitted in an interview with The Jerusalem Post that her inclusion of the Muslim group CAIR has raised eyebrows among Jewish advocacy organizations.
CAIR’s senior leaders and staff have repeatedly made incendiary comments against the State of Israel. According to the ADL, CAIR officials have maintained ties with organizations affiliated with the Hamas terror group.
One of the founders of CAIR, Ghassan Elashi, was sentenced to federal prison for his participation in setting up a fraudulent charity that funneled millions of dollars to Hamas.
“I’m not naive,” Lipstadt told the Post. “I know CAIR is problematic, [but] there are other groups and individuals that have problematic histories that are now talking about antisemitism.”
Lipstadt suggested that “one can also step back and say, Okay, we’re going to judge you by what you say going forward. We’re going to evaluate what you do henceforth.”
She told the Post that she was not expecting CAIR to apologize for promoting violent rhetoric against Israel.
“I’m not talking about apologies,” she said. Rather, she would ask CAIR, “Do you acknowledge that you might have, or might not have, engaged in statements or declarations that were easily and rightfully considered to be antisemitic?”
Lipstadt then suggested that forgiving the group for its history of terror support and antisemitism was a fundamental Jewish value.
“If I put on my Jewish hat, you and I both come from a tradition that believes in forgiveness. Our holiest days of the year are about change. So if they’re really willing to change,, if they’re really willing to say, ‘hey, we now see this is a serious problem,’ then they are welcome.”
The post Give them a ‘chance’: Let terror-supporting group help combat Jew-hatred, urges Biden antisemitism czar appeared first on World Israel News.
On Sunday, a vehicle was still trapped underneath a huge amount of wreckage from the part of I-95 in Philadelphia that collapsed. Officials mentioned that it will take several months to rebuild the overpass that was destroyed fully.
Authorities declared there were no casualties or injuries due to the tanker explosion that caused the overhead section of the vital interstate highway to collapse. Governor Josh Shapiro spoke at the location of the collapse, saying that at least one vehicle is still stuck under the rubble of the collapsed road and that authorities are still trying to determine if anyone was there during the fire and collapse.
An explosion caused by a tanker truck containing a petroleum-based product caused the overpass of I-95 to collapse at 6:20 am. Governor Shapiro reported that the highway’s northbound lanes were entirely decimated, while the southbound lanes remain fragile.
He anticipates the total reconstruction of the I-95 roadway to take several months and stated that a disaster declaration would be issued the following day to speed up the process and summon federal funds to begin the repair process. Moreover, Shapiro had a conversation with the US Secretary of Transportation, Pete Buttigieg, in which Buttigieg promised to deploy federal resources to support the rapid reconstruction of this major roadway.
In the meantime, Pennsylvania Transportation Secretary Mike Carroll declared that the state transportation authorities were striving to devise alternate routes and public transportation services to assist people in avoiding the damaged road. He further said that a contractor had been hired and had sent the necessary tools to the explosion site within several hours to start the fixing process.
Carroll noted that they would be devoting the following 24 hours to clearing away the debris as swiftly as they could and then begin the replacement and repair work.