Architects Are Starting to See Themselves as Workers — and Organizing Unions

Though architects have long been seen as privileged creative professionals, they are finding themselves in increasingly de-skilled and exploitative work environments. It’s no wonder that they’re starting to unionize.

BA Union is now negotiating the first collectively bargained contract in the architecture industry. (Getty Images)

In a moment of heightened interest in unions across the country and an upsurge in militancy among “culture workers” in particular, a new industry is joining the labor movement: architecture. Last fall my colleagues at Bernheimer Architecture and I formed the first union at a private sector architectural practice. BA Union, with the support of the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAMAW), is now negotiating the first collectively bargained contract in the industry.

As the first firm to organize, we stand alone, at least for the moment. The reason it has taken architecture workers so long to begin unionizing is because we have traditionally refused to identify as workers — and, as a result, have failed to see the need for collective organization to improve our conditions. Thankfully, architects are beginning to see the need to unionize to better their own conditions and those of others.

What Do Architects Do?

It’s important to start with a clear understanding of exactly what architects do. Traditionally perceived as what sociologist Max Weber would call a “privileged status group,” they have carried a certain level of, in Pierre Bourdieu’s terms, “cultural capital.” In other words, architects have enjoyed social esteem due to a certain public idea of what they do — designing nice buildings for rich people — and their autonomy as creative professionals. But today, both conceptions mystify more than they help us actually understand architecture.

While architects are certainly professionals and have historically been considered artists, their day-to-day responsibilities are different than popular perception has it. In addition to designing buildings — a quality Karl Marx admired as differentiating us from the “best of bees” — architects are responsible for complying with building codes, accessibility laws, and zoning ordinances, all of which directly serve public health and safety.

Though we aren’t physically constructing the buildings, we are there every step of the way making sure regulations are met, as well as coordinating the litany of consultants that are required to build a building in the twenty-first century. These include, but are not limited to, structural, mechanical, electrical, plumbing, and civil engineers; landscape architects; lighting designers; and, depending on the scale of the project, roofing, facade, and even package-delivery consultants.

As buildings have gotten more complicated along with the governance surrounding them, the work of the architect, especially in cities like New York, has moved away from traditional artistic design. While much of this is due to an ever-evolving division of labor, we can also understand the evolution of architecture as involving increasing alienation of the architect from their work, as Marx would put it.

Architects are doing less traditional production like physical drawing and focusing more on bureaucratic compliance mediated through increasingly complex technology. In fact, today architects are not only producing drawings digitally; the entire process is being inverted. Through software such as BIM (building information modeling) owned by monopolies like Autodesk, computers now make the drawings themselves while much of the regulatory work of zoning and code compliance is left to the architect — a trend toward de-skilling also threatened by other forms of contemporary automation.

Meanwhile, a consolidation of building and a desire for low-cost services is eliminating work that used to support smaller artisanal practices, instead favoring larger, more “efficient” construction. In cities across the United States, the push for maximized unit counts through “economical” designs leaves little room for architectural craft, instead producing buildings that are eerily similar no matter the location.

At the same time, decades of neoliberal policies have made not only the construction and financing of buildings much more expensive, but have affected the material reality of architectural workers as well: today emerging architects are finding themselves in more precarious conditions than in the past. Thanks to crippling student loan debt, notoriously long hours, and a crisis-prone economy, a new generation of architects is beginning to come to terms with reality. Primed for exploitation by the academic studio environment through long nights spent on individual passion projects, young designers emerge into work settings that are all too willing to take advantage of such energy and enthusiasm for their own profits and prestige.

It doesn’t take long for the combination of low pay, uncompensated overtime, technological drudgery, and never-ending revisions from the client and boss to create a unique form of burnout. Even at relatively healthy firms like ours, many workers have a strong desire for more participation in the structure and “design” of their workplaces. While management may have good intentions, and even acknowledge and sympathize with the grievances of workers, the demands of the workday often supersede those concerns.

This has been the case for us at BA; many joined knowing it was a rare office that prioritized a work-life balance. Though we have felt respected and valued, we have still struggled to find an effective format to address other issues, whether they be technical concerns like proper IT management and software training, or more structural ones like project roles and job classifications, both essential to creating efficiently run teams.

All these questions are best addressed through the collective bargaining process, and though we are still in negotiations, the process has already established a Labor Management Committee through which even issues outside of bargaining can be discussed and implemented.

What Took So Long?

Why haven’t architects started to unionize until now? While some of it has to do with antitrust law and the protectionist credentialism common to all professions, many of the impediments to change have been self-imposed: whether it be a “love of work” myth, an obsession with avant-garde design, or even an eagerness to work free internships, many within the profession are now articulating the features of the industry that have made architecture unwilling to adapt.

However, less has been said about another key component of this stubborn resistance: class consciousness. Specifically, the aforementioned factors have encouraged architects, including employees, to identify more with the capitalist class than with the working class.

This identification has deep roots, as architects have historically associated with artisans and craftsmen. The common model is the studio, in which a seasoned architect creates an apprentice-type environment to train young designers. Additionally, before the emergence of the computer, architects would affiliate with other craft-based industries through the making of physical models and drawings, including studying with other craft practitioners. In fact, since the Industrial Revolution, many architecture schools have been lumped in with broader schools of “design.”

Seeing themselves as skilled artisans rather than workers, architects were content to fly under the radar, pleasing their clients while “usefully working” away in their own studios; as the glut of suburban housing and other postwar projects fueled the growth of artisanal practices and created a reliable path of upward mobility in the twentieth century, dissatisfaction was kept at bay. We are in a very different reality today, one in which capital’s endless drive for profit has degraded the architectural craft and produced a more exploitative workplace for architectural workers of all kinds. This reality calls for a new understanding of class in relation to architecture.

What’s Next?

Much could be and has been said about the true “class position” of architects and designers, especially because of the complex relationship between firm owners and employees in a service-based industry. Is it too simplistic to define employees as exploited workers since they are wage laborers? Or are they complicit in the benefits, cultural and economic, attained by their practices at the behest of their employers? Does the fact that they don’t own anything within the firm, including the means of production of their drawings, override other considerations?

Though asking whether architects are artisans, petit bourgeois, or something in between makes for an interesting and important debate, time is not on our side. For an industry complicit in the climate crisis and entrenched in broader systems of capital and the injustices they generate, change needs to happen now, and unionization is a crucial tool for effecting it.

Thankfully, there is more organizing happening, as several other offices are pursuing unionization with the IAMAW and advocacy groups like the Architecture Lobby continue to support conversations around unionization, hosting events and providing valuable resources for prospective organizers. The potential of this work has appeared in some of the first meetings BA Union is having with other firms as they seek guidance in the unionization process, creating a new form of solidarity across offices.

But architecture is in a similar place as other design industries, far from the tipping point seen among other “culture workers.” While traditional pro-owner organizations like the American Institute of Architects (AIA) are now willing to entertain the idea of architect unions, if a new class consciousness is not fostered, the movement risks stalling out.

If architects want to participate in a “revived and reimagined” labor movement, they should understand that their class position uniquely situates them between traditional laborers (i.e., construction workers) on the one hand, and capital (developers and landowners) on the other. The construction industry, especially in a city like New York, has fought for rights and protections that keep its labor both safe and valuable — it might surprise some that the average salary of a typical building tradesperson in New York is higher than that of an architect. Developers and landowners have strengthened their own position not just through ever-increasing acquisition of property, but also dependence on low-cost design via architecture offices that are happy to outbid and undercut each other.

This has meant that building design is viewed at best as a luxury commodity and at worst as a service that can be trimmed until all that remains is what is necessary for minimal compliance. Without collective action to push back against these developments, the degradation of architects and their craft will only get worse, and the potential for solidaristic action with other workers will slip away.

Rather than identifying with the class that is paying them (albeit less and less), architects can shed their outdated aspirations and instead begin to identify with the construction workers who make their designs a reality. Doing so will help make it obvious why architecture workers should organize — a first step in addressing various problems in the industry, and the possible beginning of a new “cross-class” form of solidarity with traditional laborers and other social movements.

The Ukraine Counteroffensive has Stalled: Failures of Germany’s ‘Leopard 2’ Battle Tanks

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Russia’s Energy Industry Is Betting Big on South Asia

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The Supreme Court Doesn’t Have the Final Say on Student Debt

If the Supreme Court rules against Joe Biden on student debt, it will be a major blow. But there is a more straightforward path for Biden to unilaterally forgive a lot of student debt.

A sign reading “Cancel Student Debt” is staged outside of the Supreme Court of the United States in Washington, DC, on February 28, 2023. (Sarah Silbiger for the Washington Post via Getty Images)

In August of last year, Joe Biden announced that he would be forgiving $10,000 worth of student debt for individuals with income below a certain level. The Biden administration claimed that a post-9/11 statute called the HEROES Act gave him this authority because it allows the president to modify student loans in response to a national emergency.

After he announced the policy, various individuals, organizations, and governments filed lawsuits trying to have the program halted. One of those suits has made it to the Supreme Court, and the court may decide on it soon. Many court-watchers and legal analysts believe that the Supreme Court is likely to conclude that Biden’s move is unconstitutional under the major-questions doctrine provided that the Supreme Court also concludes that the plaintiff in the case — a state-affiliated debt servicer in Missouri called MOHELA — has standing to sue.

If the Supreme Court rules against Biden, it will obviously be a major blow to the cause of student debt forgiveness. But there is another more straightforward legal path for Biden to unilaterally forgive a lot of student debt that does not rely upon expansive interpretations of a post-9/11 statute.

In the Higher Education Act (HEA), Congress has not just authorized, but directly mandated the Department of Education (DOE) to create income-driven repayment (IDR) programs for student loans. One of those programs, called income-based repayment (IBR), has its parameters specifically spelled out in the statute (20 USC 1098e). The other program, called income-contingent repayment (ICR), is just a general grant of authority to the DOE to create income-driven repayment programs with the parameters of its choosing (20 USC 1087e(e)).

The DOE has already created three IDR programs under this ICR authority: one called Income-Contingent Repayment, another called Pay As You Earn (PAYE), and a third called Revised Pay As You Earn (REPAYE).

Under these IDR programs, students must pay (1) a certain percent of their income (2) beyond a certain percent of the poverty line (3) for a certain number of years in order to receive debt forgiveness. These three parameters vary between the three programs and can be set pretty much wherever the DOE chooses to set them. The HEA contains some limits on how stingy the limits can be, but not how generous they can be.

When Biden announced his student debt forgiveness plan, he also announced a new ICR-based proposed rulemaking that got much less attention. Under the proposal, the REPAYE IDR program would be amended so that instead of forgiveness being provided to students after they have paid (1) 10 percent of their income (2) beyond 150 percent of the poverty line (3) for twenty years, they would instead be provided forgiveness after they have paid (1) 5 percent of their income (2) beyond 225 percent of the poverty line (3) for ten years if their original student loan balance was below $12,000 or twenty years if their original student loan balance exceeded $12,000.

In the long run, this change, if it is administered well, will actually forgive far more student debt than the $10,000 forgiveness that has gotten all of the attention and legal challenges. But the authority that allows Biden to make this change through regulation would also allow him to go much further.

On its face, there is no reason why Biden could not use this authority under the HEA to create a new IDR program that states, for example, that students will be eligible for debt forgiveness after they have paid 1 percent of their income beyond 100 percent of the poverty line for one year. This kind of change would forgive far more student debt than the change that is currently facing legal challenge.

To be sure, a new IDR program with these parameters will generate lawsuits, and you never know what any court will necessarily decide. But, unlike the current student debt forgiveness program that relies upon a heroic reading of the HEROES Act, this particular approach is based on a more straightforward use of authority granted under the HEA, authority that many presidents have used to increase the generosity of IDR options for student debtors.

There’s No Institutional Quick Fix to the Problem of Donald Trump

Institutions can’t stop Donald Trump — but democratic politics can.

Donald Trump during an event at Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey, US, on Tuesday, June 13, 2023. (Bing Guan / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Exactly eight years ago, a beaming Donald Trump made his way down the escalator at Trump Tower to announce that he was seeking the Republican nomination for president. At the outset, no one in political or media officialdom took his candidacy seriously and, when it emerged a few days later that attendees had been paid $50 to come, the fundamental unseriousness of the Trump campaign was unanimously proclaimed. Throughout the ensuing weeks and months, as the candidate transgressed and insulted everyone around him, it was repeatedly assumed that the established conventions of politics would soon intervene and that the joke must be nearing its inevitable punch line.

But this cathartic denouement never came. Trump, as it turned out, could in fact make obscene comments about immigrants and rise higher in the polls. He could disparage John McCain and bully his various primary opponents. He could run afoul of the august National Review and pry the Republican nomination from the would-be gatekeepers of movement conservatism. He could even be heard on tape boasting about sexual assault and somehow win the presidency a month later. At every turn, people waited for an invisible barrier to impose itself or some indiscretion to finally go too far. Again and again, neither happened.

After Trump’s improbable victory, many turned to institutions for salvation. Perhaps the electors might be persuaded to change their votes and nullify this nightmare before it went any further. Maybe the Robert Mueller investigation would find irrefutable evidence of foreign collusion, or a Watergate-esque media scoop would discover the proverbial smoking gun. In the wake of the 2020 election, the January 6 riot at the Capitol, and the president’s subsequent impeachment and banishment from Twitter, it again seemed momentarily plausible that his goose might be cooked.

And yet. Just over two years later, the same pattern continues to recur. Despite the electoral disaster of last year’s midterms and two separate indictments, Trump maintains a resounding lead in the Republican primaries, and polls still suggest he’s running more or less even with Joe Biden.

In light of all this, perhaps it’s finally time to abandon the idea that there will ever be an institutional solution to the nightmare of Trumpism. Even if the former president is ultimately convicted, nothing will bar him from continuing to run for reelection from prison or disqualify him from taking the office for a second term should he somehow win.

Another electoral defeat might deflate Trump considerably, but the root causes of Trumpism — racism, soaring inequality and human desperation, mass alienation from political institutions, the devolution of politics into empty spectacle, the corrosive influence of organized money — would still remain unaddressed. This is why the antidote has always laid in the kind of popular democratic politics rejected by elites in both major parties. A feckless and technocratically minded liberalism can win occasional victories against a figure like Trump, but it has repeatedly failed to neutralize him.

In the short term, this conclusion would seem to have rather bleak implications. Barring some completely unexpected development, Trump very much looks poised to win the GOP presidential nomination again. Those currently praying for a judge or a prison sentence to finally bury Trumpism are almost certainly going to be disappointed. And expecting the Joe Biden–led Democratic Party to swing toward the populist left or suddenly rediscover the firebrand spirit of the New Deal era, offering American voters a positive political vision that could materially improve their lives rather than simply the negative message that Trump is bad, is a still more unlikely prospect.

Then again, there is also something liberating in the realization that Trumpism is not a malign force of nature that defies all understanding but a political phenomenon for which there are ultimately political solutions. Democracy, in the broadest sense, is the only thing that will ever make Trump, or anything resembling him, impossible beyond the narrow horizons of an individual election cycle.

There will, as a consequence, be no single defining event that finally consigns Trumpism to history’s dustbin. Instead, it will have to meet its demise through innumerable victories, large and small, on many different fronts and in many different theaters: electoral politics, popular legislative campaigns, labor organizing.

Daunting, yes. But also more realistic than waiting for the final intercession of an invisible referee that will never come.